§1

Concerning the earliest circumstances of the church of Llandaff, and the Life of Archbishop Dyfrig.
In the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 156, Lucius, king of the Britons, sent his legates, namely Eluanus and Meduuinus,^{1 Eluanum et Meduuinum (Eluanus and Meduuinus) It has been suggested that Meduuinus was named after St Medwy, the eponym of Llanfedwy, near Rudry at the east end of Glamorgan (LWS 60, n. 10). The origin of Eluanus is unknown. Curiously, although Geoffrey of Monmouth gives two different names for the legates sent by Lucius, they too bear names connected to Llandaff: Faganus⁠, probably the Fagan of St Fagans, the parish of which borders that of Llandaff, and Duuianus⁠, probably the Dyfan of Merthyr Dyfan in Barry, a little to the south-west of Llandaff (GMon iv.72.407). Similar names (⁠⁠Phaganus⁠ and Deruuianus⁠) are given to Lucius’s missionaries in various sections of De antiquitate ecclesiae Glastoniensis⁠, a text written originally by William of Malmesbury between 1129 and 1139 and subsequently augmented by monks of Glastonbury Abbey. However, opinions differ as to whether the names were part of William’s original text and thus might be independent of Geoffrey (Tatlock 1950: 230–4) or whether the names were added later by Glastonbury monks using Geoffrey’s work (Scott 1981: 27, 187). If the former, it is possible that the ultimate source for Geoffrey and William was a lost document, probably similar to the present text, emanating from Llandaff. For possible verbal connections between these various accounts, see Brooke 1986: 48–9.} to Eleutherius, twelfth pope of the apostolic see, begging that, in accordance with his advice, he should be made a Christian, as he requested of him.^{2 This story, with the exception of the names of the two legates, has been taken from Bede’s Ecclesiastical History (HE i.4).} For Lucius, giving thanks to his God, was hastening towards the faith of Christ so vigorously because that people had been heathen since the time of the region’s first inhabitant Brutus.^{3 quod illa gens a primo regionis inhabitatore Bruto gentilis fuerat (because that people had been heathen since the time of the region’s first inhabitant Brutus) A reference to the Historia Brittonum, which gives various accounts of Brutus: e.g. HB §7: Brittania insula a quodam Bruto, consule Romano, dicta (The island of Britain was named from a certain Brutus, a Roman consul); HB §10: Et postea ad istam pervenit insulam, quae a nomine suo accepit nomen, id est Brittaniam, et implevit eam cum suo genere (And afterwards he [Britto] came across to this island, which took its name from his name, that is Britain, and he filled it with his race); HB §18: Qui incolae in primo fuerunt Brittanniae? Brittones a Bruto (Who were the first inhabitants of Britain? The Britons from Brutus).} It pleased the council of the elders of the city of Rome for those same legates to be baptized, and, once they had received the catholic faith, for them to be ordained, Eluanus as a bishop and Meduuinus as a teacher. And on account of their eloquence and the knowledge that they had in the holy scriptures, they returned to Britain as preachers to Lucius. By their holy preaching, Lucius and the nobles of the whole of Britain received baptism. And following the command of the blessed Pope Eleutherius, he established an ecclesiastical hierarchy, ordained bishops and taught them how to live correctly. What sincere faith of Christian religion they preserved without any blemish of false dogma^{4 Quam christianę religionis fidem sine aliqua praui dogmatis macula sinceram conseruauerunt (What sincere faith of Christian religion they preserved without any blemish of false dogma) Repeated below, §15, in relation to the state of Britain after the establishment of Dyfrig’s oratory at Moccas: sine aliqua praui dogmatis macula sinceram fidem tota gens britannica conseruauit (without any blemish of false dogma, the whole British people preserved sincere faith).} before the Pelagian heresy was born! In order to confute the heresy, holy Germanus the bishop and Lupus were sent by the bishops of Gaul to the Britons. However, legates had often been sent to them beforehand by the Britons, begging for help against so a hateful a danger; for though they would not give in to the false doctrine of the heretics, nor however were they able to confound it. After the aforesaid elders had eradicated the Pelagian heresy, they consecrated bishops in many places in the island of Britain. But they consecrated as archbishop over all the Britons of the southern part of Britain^{5 dextralis partis Britannię (of the southern part of Britain) Probably meaning south Wales. For the practice of using the word Britannia for Wales in this period, see Pryce 2001: 777–8.} that exceptional teacher, blessed Dyfrig, who had been elected by the king and by the whole diocese. Once that status had been given to him by Germanus and Lupus, they established an episcopal see for him, with the consent of King Meurig, the principal men, the clergy and the people, at the church of Llandaff, founded in honour of the apostle St Peter, and with these bounds: from Henriw Gwynfa [Old Slope of the Pleasant Spot] as far as Rhiw Ffinion [Slope of the Bounds], and from the Gwynlais^{6 Gungleis (Gwynlais) A tributary of the Big Taff or Taf Fawr.} as far as the sea, all within the Taff^{7 Taff I.e. the Big Taff or Taf Fawr.} and the Ely, with all its fish and weirs,^{8 coretibus (weirs) coretibus is a word of Celtic origin (ModW cored, ModI cora, ‘weir’), which the Liber Landavensis uniquely Latinizes using the third declension. The same word is Latinized in different ways in the early eighth-century Collectio canonum hibernensis from Irelandand in the tenth-century Lanlawren charter from Cornwall (Flechner 2008: 16–17).} and with all its status, and free from every royal and secular service excepting only the daily prayer and ecclesiastical service for his soul and the souls of his relatives, the kings and principal men of Britain, and all the faithful deceased, and with this privilege:^{9 The following privilege shares features with the privileges found in the Priuilegium sancti Teliaui and the Life of St Euddogwy(VSTeliaui(LL), §20; VSOudoceu(LL), §4). See Russell 2016; Davies 2003: 68–70; and Davies 1974–6.} without an earl, without a sheriff;^{10 sine consule, sine proconsule (without an earl, without a sheriff) This may be a reference to Robert, earl of Gloucester (d. 1147), who was lord of Glamorgan while the Liber Landavensis was being compiled (Davies 1974–6: 126 and 131; Davies 2003: 69). Unusually, Robert was titled consul in Latin documents.} without the requirement to attend public assemblies either inside or outside its jurisdiction; without the obligation to provide military service; without the obligation to keep watch over the region either inside or outside its jurisdiction; and with free common use of the whole bishopric for the inhabitants in field and in woods, in water and in pastures; and with its whole court with full rights over itself, free and complete like a royal court; and with its right of sanctuary not just for a fixed period, but without limit: that is, a fugitive may remain safe under its asylum for however long he should wish; and with the bodies of the kings of the whole diocese given and commended to Llandaff in perpetuity. The diocese, moreover, consists of the five-hundred districts of the Severn estuary,^{11 quincentas tribus sinus Sabrinę (five-hundred districts of the Severn estuary) Possibly the five cantrefi (lit. ‘[district of] a hundred townships’) of Gwent Uwch Coed, Gwent Is Coed, Gwynllŵg, Penychen and Gronydd, which lie on the north bank of the Severn estuary (Davies 2003: 78).} Ergyng, and Anergyng, from Moccas on the bank of the river Wye as far as Teithi Island.^{12 insulam Teithi (Teithi Island) Probably the legendary island between St Davids and Ireland said to have submerged by the sea (Jones 1947: 82). The inclusion of Teithi Island amounted to a claim that the ‘archdiocese’ of Llandaff originally encompassed the entirety of south Wales, implying that St Davids, to the west, was originally a suffragan see. The western half of this archdiocese, west of the river Towy (i.e. the diocese of St Davids), is said to have been lost while Euddogwy was bishop of Llandaff: see VSOudocei(LL), §5.} And on account of his sanctity and the blessed bishop’s excellent preaching and his royal kindred, many churches with their endowments, tithes, offerings, burial-grounds, territories, and the free common use thereof were given to him, the church of Llandaff and all his successors by the kings and principal men of the whole kingdom of southern Britain, and with the aforesaid status. For the privilege of that church was established by apostolic authority so that it should thereafter remain with its status free and quit from every burden of secular service. Moreover, whatever things belong to the same by grant of the bishops, by the generosity of the principal men, by the offerings of the faithful or by other just means, may they be preserved secure and whole for it thereafter. Furthermore, whatever things it will be able to obtain justly and canonically in the future, bestowed by God, may they remain free and undiminished for it forever. And so it was decided that nobody should be permitted in any circumstance to disturb the aforesaid church recklessly, either to take away its possessions or to keep back confiscated goods, reduce it or harass it with reckless torments, and all things should be preserved for it including the bounds of the diocese. Therefore, if in future any ecclesiastical or secular person should be tempted to go against that recklessly, if, when warned a second and a third time, he should not make amends with appropriate penance, may he be deprived of the status of his power and honour, and may he know that he will remain guilty in divine judgement with respect to the evil perpetrated, and may he be cut off from the most sacred body and blood of God and of the Lord our Redeemer Jesus Christ, and may he be subject to severe vengeance in the last judgement. But for all who are preserving the same church in this way, may there be the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, to the extent that they might partake of the fruit of good deeds in this world and find the rewards of eternal peace from the aforementioned judge.

§2

After these things, the king arose; he perambulated through all of it, making a circuit^{13 circuens (made a circuit) In the Liber Landavensis, a later hand has added an i after the u of circuens, so as to create the usual spelling circuiens, as appears also in Vespasian A. xiv. However, the spelling circuens is occasionally found in other medieval texts, including the Irish recension of the Life of St David (Colgan 1645: 426; cf. James 1967: xxvi–xxix and xxxvii–xxxviii, though note that James mistakenly states that Colgan published his work in 1636).} of the whole territory and carrying the book of the gospels on his back while the clerics were carrying crosses and relics in their hands and holy water together with dust from the paving of the church was sprinkled along all the bounds of the territory.^{14 Post hęc [...] perambulauit per totum (After these things [...] of the territory) Much of this statement is repeated word for word in the first charter appended to the Life of St Teilo (VSTeliaui(LL), §22; cf. Davies 2003: 111).} With a blessing given to all those who would in future preserve the alms with every aforesaid dignity of privilege and sanctuary, but with a curse given to those who would in future violate it in a great or a small way, as was said before.

§3

But holy Dyfrig, seeing the generous hand of the powerful with respect to the church that had been entrusted to him, distributed his disciples, sending some of his disciples across to churches that had been given to him. And for others he established churches and bishops throughout southern Britain. He consecrated assistants for himself in dioceses that he had established: Deiniol as bishop in the see of Bangor, and many others, abbots and priests, together with clergy of the lesser orders, and Illtud as abbot in the church called Llanilltud after him.

§4

The monastery of Moccas on the bank of the river Wye, where at an earlier time the blessed man Dyfrig had previously lived, was given by the gift and grant of King Meurig and his principal men to the church of Llandaff and its bishops in perpetuity, along with all its territory and its entire freedom, free from every royal service in perpetuity, so that the former monastery might forever serve the latter.

§5

Llangystennin Garth Benni in Ergyng.⁠^{15 Wendy Davies saw this document as a foundation tradition dating from earlier than the eleventh or twelfth centuries (Davies 1979: 93).}
It should be known by us that King Peibio son of Erf^{16 Erb (Erf) Although this name is often written as Erb in modern scholarship, Old Welsh Erb would be spelt Erf in modern Welsh (cf. W barf < Lat. barba).} bestowed Maenor Garth Benni [Settlement of the Wagon Enclosure]^{17 Mainaur Garth Benni (Maenor Garth Benni [Settlement of the Wagon Enclosure]) Garth Benni has been identified as Welsh Bicknor in Herefordshire (LL xl, 407; LWS 77; WATU 131; Davies 1979: 92; Coe 2002: 300–1). In a charter of 1144, Welsh Bicknor is called ecclesia sancti Custenin de Biconovria (the church of St Custennin of Biconovria ), providing further evidence for the connection made in the present document between Garth Benni and one Custennin. Wendy Davies notes that elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis Lanngarthbenni is a church (LL 176–8) with an abbas (abbot) or princeps (leader, head) (LL 164) (Davies 1979: 93).}as far as the black marsh between the wood and the field and the water and the ferry^{18 iaculum (ferry) See LWS 77. DMLBS s.v. jaculum, 4, offers the meaning ‘casting-net’ with reference to this example, but it is difficult to see how that can make sense in context.} of King Constantine his father-in-law across the River Wye to God and Dyfrig archbishop of the see of Llandaff and Inabwy his cousin^{19 consobrino suo (his cousin) Probably meaning Peibio’s cousin, but it might mean Dyfrig’s cousin (cf. LWS 71 (esp. n. 35), 78 (esp. n. 62); Davies 1978: 130; WCD 388).} for the sake of his soul and for the writing of his name in the book of life, with its entire freedom, without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly person or dominion, small or moderate, unless for God and St Dyfrig and the servants of the church of Llandaff in perpetuity. And Peibio held the charter^{20 grafium (charter) As a word for ‘document’ or ‘charter’ (rather than ‘stylus’), graphium appears to have been particularly popular in Wales. See the attestations listed in DMLBS s.v. graphium.} over holy Dyfrig’s hand^{21 super manum Dubricii sancti (over holy Dyfrig’s hand) Compare the reference in §9 to a gift being set down over the four gospels and the reference in §10 to the king’s hand being placed over the four gospels; presumably such actions were intended to sanctify the transactions.} so that it would be made a home of prayer and penitence and an episcopal place for the bishops of Llandaff forever. And he consecrated that church as proof of that, having left there his three disciples. From the clergy the witnesses are firstly Dyfrig, Arwystl, Ufelfyw, Ieuan, Inabwy, Cynfran, Gwrfan.^{22 Wendy Davies suggested that the clerical witness list in this charter and the closely related clerical lists in sections 10, 11 and 13 are ‘corrupt’, because the clerics are made to be contemporary with six generations of kings and are comprised entirely of individuals named as Dyfrig’s disciples in his Life (§15 below) (Davies 1979: 38, 92–5). One might prefer to say that the lists are ‘artificial’ rather than ‘corrupt’.} From the laity, moreover: King Peibio as witness, Custennin, Guourir, Dihiruc, Condiuill, Gwyddiol, Clwyf. Whosoever would protect this alms given to God, may God protect him. But he who would not preserve it, may God destroy him.

§6

Concerning Llangernyw.⁠^{23 Lanncerniu (Llangernyw) Somewhere on the river Dore (Coe 2002: 408–9). Wendy Davies noted that Llangernyw was given twice again, in LL 165–6 and 192.}
Let it be known by all Christians that King Peibio gave Llangernyw with an uncia⁠^{24 uncia At two points in the Liber Landavensis (LL 200 and 216), the uncia is defined as 12 modii. Wendy Davies argued that an uncia was equivalent to about 500 acres, and that the unit originated in the Romano-British period, when it meant the inheritance of one man (Davies 1973). Cf. Charles-Edwards 2013: 274–82.} of land to God and Dyfrig and the church of Llandaff and all those who would serve it in future, with its entire freedom, without the requirement to render any payment to any earthly man unless for St Dyfrig and those succeeding him in the episcopal see of Llandaff in perpetuity. Its boundary: from the stream to the source of Nant yr Ewig [Stream of the Hind]. From Nant yr Ewig, along the stream to the Heithtir Rhudd,⁠^{25 Heithtir Rud (Heithtir Rhudd) Rhudd means ‘red, ruddy, brown’, but the meaning of Heithtir is uncertain. See Coe 2002: 357–8.} into its centre. The wood as far as where it goes into Yr Hâl Melen [The Yellow Moor], straight until where it falls into Llost yr Ynys [the Tail of the Island]. From Llost yr Ynys to the breast of the hill. The witnesses are Elwystl,^{26 Elgistil (Elwystl) Probably an error for Arguistil (Arwystl). The name Elgistus appears in the charter at LL 163, but the doublet of the latter at LL 73–4 (§8 below) reads Arguistil (Davies 1979: 93–4, 104).} Inabwy, Cynwarwy, Merchwyd. From the laity, moreover: King Peibio, Collfyw, Centiuit.⁠^{27 Centiuit For this name, see Sims-Williams 1991: 39, n. 3.} May there be a blessing for those who would in future preserve it, but excommunication for those who would in future violate it. Amen.

§7

Concerning Llandinabo.⁠^{28 Lanniunabui (Llandinabo) For the identification, see WATU 107; Davies 1979: 93; Coe 2002: 500–1. Llandinabo is given to Llandaff again in the charters at LL 165–6 and 192.}
King Peibio, with humble heart, contrite and mindful of his sins, turning his life to the better, gave in exchange for the heavenly kingdom the church of Inabwy with an uncia of land to St Dyfrig and his successors in the church of Llandaff, with its entire freedom, without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly man unless for St Dyfrig and the church of Llandaff. And the boundary of that land is: from the ford above the church enclosure downwards above the wood, to the breast of the hill, straight across the ridge as far as where it descends above the old ford over the flood, into the great wood. Straight through the wood to the top of the Cambwll [Whirlpool]. From the Cambwll straight to the Wye. From the clergy the witnesses are Arwystl, Inabwy the priest, Cynwarwy, Cimmerred, Iddno, Elhaearn. From the laity: Peibio as witness, Cynfin, Colt,^{29 Colt Probably a corruption of the name Collbiu, Colluiu (Collfyw) (Davies 1979: 93).} Arcon,^{30 Arcon Probably a corruption of the name Aircol (Aergol) (Davies 1979: 93).} Guobrir, Gwaeddgon, Cintimit,^{31 Cintimit For this name, see Sims-Williams 1991: 39, n. 3.} Cynin. May there be peace for those who would in future preserve it, but a curse for those who would in future violate it. Amen.

§8

Concerning Cwm Barrwg.⁠^{32 Cvm Barrvc (Cwm Barrwg) Cwm means ‘valley, glen’, but the meaning of Barrwg is uncertain (Coe 2002: 200–1). The bounds of the charter at §11 below state that Cwm Barrwg lay in the Dore Valley. The land is given again in the charter at LL 192, and a doublet of the present charter is found at LL 163. For a comparison between this document and its doublet, see Sims-Williams 1991: 32–3.}
May everyone know that the two sons of Peibio, namely Cynfin and Gwyddgi, gave three unciae of the land of Cwm Barrwgto St Dyfrig and all his successors in the church of Llandaff in perpetuity, with entire freedom, without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly man unless for St Dyfrig and his community and his successors, and with complete common use given round about in field and in waters, in wood and in pastures. The boundary of this land is: from the valley as far as the stone: the length. The width: from the stone as far as Crida’s Stone.^{33 Petra Crita (Crida’s Stone) Crita is probably the Anglo-Saxon name Creoda, as found in the West Saxon and Mercian genealogies (Coe 2002: 698–9).} The witnesses to this agreement from the clergy: Arwystl,^{34 Arguistil (Arwystl) The doublet of this document at LL 163 gives this name as Elgistus, but this is likely to be an error for Arguist(us) (Davies 1979: 93–4, 104). In LL 163, Elgistus , called ‘bishop’, is the recipient of the gift instead of St Dyfrig.} Inabwy, Cynwarwy, Elhaearn, Cimmareia.^{35 Cimmareia For this form, compare Koch 1985/6: 48 and Sims-Williams 1991: 33.} The witnesses from the laity: Gwyddgi and Cynfin, Collfyw, and Arcon.^{36 Arcon The doublet of this document at LL 163 has the correct form Aircol (Aergol) (cf. Davies 1979: 93).} May he who would commit a sin in this consecrated place be cursed.

§9

Concerning St Maughan’s.⁠^{37 Lannbocha (St Maughan’s) The Welsh name for St Maughan’s is Llanfocha. Both the English name and the preponderance of examples of the spelling Lannmocha in Liber Landavensis (including in the body of the present document) show that the rubricator has incorrectly spelt the /v/ at the beginning of the second element with b rather than with etymological m. This suggests that, for the rubricator, /β/ < /b/ and /μ/ < /m/ had fallen together as /v/, prompting confusion about how to spell the latter sound. It should be noted that a version of the present document has been incorporated into the charter at LL 171–3 (Davies 1979: 94, 107). In the latter version the recipient is Bishop Grecielis .}
It should be known by us that Brydgon and Iliwg gave St Maughan’s for their souls, with its every freedom in field and in wood, in pastures and in waters, to God and St Peter the apostle and Dyfrig archbishop of the archmonastery of Llandaff and all his successors in perpetuity, with the word and consent of King Meurig together with the gift of the sons of Goleiddwg, namely Caradog and Cyngu, without the dominion or power of anyone over it except that of the bishops of Llandaff. Whosoever would separate it from the church of Llandaff and from its bishops, may he be struck with perpetual anathema. The boundary of this church is: from the ditch to Castell Meirch [Castle of the Horses].^{38 Castell Merych (Castell Meirch [Castle of the Horses]) Identified as Newcastle (LL 412; WATU 166; Coe 2002: 142–3).} From this point it extends to the Lembi⁠^{39 Lembi Uncertain. See Coe 2002: 860.} Valley, as far as the Cilcirch⁠^{40 Cilcirch Uncertain. See Coe 2002: 859.} Valley. It extends straight along the length of the valley as far as the Bawddwr [Filthy Water]. From there along the length of the Eclin⁠^{41 uallis Eclin (the Eclin Valley) The doublet of this document at LL 172 reads just Eilin, without uallis. It is possible that Eilin rather than Eclin is the correct reading (Coe 2002: 259).} Valley as far as the head of the wood. From there, the middle of the wood as far as the head of Nant Pedecon,^{42 Nant Pedecon (Nant Pedecon) Nant means ‘stream’, but the meaning of Pedecon is uncertain. The doublet of this document at LL 172 reads Pedecou, which is perhaps a better reading. For discussion, see EANC 22; Coe 2002: 648.} and along to Y Tyno Gwyn [The White Valley], as far as the Red Ford.^{43 uadum rufum (Red Ford) The readings given in the Liber Landavensis and Vespasian A. xiv for the first word are respectively uadem (surety) and uallem (valley). However, the doublet of this document at LL 172 reads uadum (shallow, ford). Since the former two versions of this document are more closely related to each other than either are to the doublet at LL 172, it would appear that the common exemplar of all three read either uadem or uadum. The latter seems more likely to be correct (Coe 2002: 856–7).} Sata Tinnuhuc⁠^{44 Sata Tinnuhuc Obscure. Sata might be the past participle of Latin serere (to sow), meaning ‘crops’ (DMLBS s.v. serere 1, 3). For speculation about Tinnuhuc, see Coe 2002: 777–8.} to the apple tree. Hendre Bywonwy [Bywonwy’s Winter Dwelling].^{45 Hendreb Iouoniu (Hendre Bywonwy [Bywonwy’s Winter Dwelling) The doublet of this document at LL 172 reads Henntre Iguonui. In Hendreb, it would appear that the second element is spelt showing the lenition of the /t/ to /d/ and with the correct etymological b at the end. With regard to Iouoniu/Iguonui, the doublet at LL 172 probably preserves a better reading. However, Iguonui (‘Iwonwy’) is not attested as a personal name, which one would expect following Hendre. Coe plausibly suggests that the second word should properly be the personal name Biguonui (‘Bywonwy’), which appears in the witness list below. The b (for /v/) at the end of Hendreb could have elided with the b of Biguonui (also for /v/, given the lenition), causing the latter to disappear from the spelling (Coe 2002: 364–5).} From there it goes out to the willow grove and descends into the first ditch where the boundary of the land of this church began. The witnesses from the clergy are Num,^{46 Num An error for Nud (Nudd), the form found in the doublet of this document at LL 172.} Simon, Sciblon,^{47 Sciblon The doublet of this document at LL 172 has Isciplan, with a prosthetic vowel spelt before the sc cluster. Considering the likelihood that Cinguan was deliberately changed to Cincuan in LL 172 (see note below), it may be that the common exemplar of Sciblon and Isciplan read -b- rather than -p-, and that the redactor of LL 172, assuming that b signified /b/, attempted to apply the early spelling convention by which intervocalic /b/ was spelt p. Together, Isciplan and Cincuan might suggest that the redactor of LL 172 tried deliberately to archaize the orthography of the personal names in the document.} Arawn, Blaenrhyd, Iddon, Ieufyw, Guoren,^{48 Guoren The doublet of this document at LL 172 has Gurou. It is thus likely that the common exemplar read Guorou, for ‘Gorau’.} Cynwan^{49 Cinguan (Cynwan) The doublet of this document at LL 172 has Cincuan, with c instead of g. This seems less likely to be correct. Perhaps the redactor of LL 172 misunderstood the Old Welsh spelling convention of gu for /w/ and assumed that gu meant /gw/. The redactor might then have attempted to apply the early spelling convention by which intervocalic /g/ was spelt c.} and many other witnesses who are not named here. From the laity: Brydgon and Iluic,^{50 Iluic Probably an error for Iliuc (Iliwg), as appears above.} Gloyw, Bywonwy, Lilli, Cyfwyre.^{51 Cimuireg (Cyfwyre) Cf. Koch 1985/6: 46, 50; Sims-Williams 1991: 50–1; GPC Online s.v. cyfwyre.} Before all those people they set down this gift over the four gospels^{52 super quattuor euangelia (over the four gospels) Compare the reference in §5 to Peibio holding a charter over Dyfrig’s hand and the reference in §10 to the king’s hand being placed over the four gospels; presumably such actions were intended to sanctify the transactions.} in perpetuity, that it be without an heir except for the church of Llandaff, and everyone unanimously blessed all those who would in future preserve this alms, but together they cursed those who would separate this church with its land and these boundaries from the church of Llandaff, until they should come to make amends. Amen.

§10

Concerning Cil Hal [Corner of the Moor].⁠^{53 Cil Hal (Cil Hal [Corner of the Moor]) This place has been identified with Pencoyd in Herefordshire (LL 391; Davies 1979: 94), presumably because the stream Ariannell mentioned in its bounds runs through the parish of Pencoyd (EANC 94), though the exact identification has never been fully justified (Coe 2002: 166–7). Wendy Davies doubted whether a genuine record lies behind this charter (Davies 1979: 94).}
Erf, king of Gwent and Ergyng, seeing that the splendour and power of this world is fleeting, took a territory from his own inheritance called Cil Hal and gave it to Dyfrig archbishop of the archmonastery of Llandaff and his successors with devotion, with its entire freedom and common use in field and in pastures, in wood and in waters, without any heir except according to the will and power of the bishop of Llandaff, without the requirement to render any payment to any earthly man, great or small. The aforesaid king placed his hand over the four gospels⁠^{54 super quattuor euangelia (over the four gospels) Compare the reference in §5 to Peibio holding a charter over Dyfrig’s hand and the reference in §9 to a gift being set down over the four gospels; presumably such actions were intended to sanctify the transactions.} while blessed Dyfrig was holding them along with the aforesaid territory (its boundary: from the great marsh as far as the Ariannell), blessing those of his descendants who would preserve this donation; but those who would violate it and separate it from the church of Llandaff, may they be cursed and despatched into the eternal fire. From the clergy the witnesses are Archbishop Dyfrig, Elhaearn, Iudner,^{55 Iudner Probably an error for Iudnou (Iddno), who appears in parallel witness lists (Davies 1979: 94).} Gwrddogwy, Gwernabwy.^{56 See the note to the clerical witness list in §5.} From the laity, moreover: King Erf, Peibio, Gurtauan, Mabon, Condiuill.

§11

Tir Cynlog.⁠^{57 Tir Conloc (Tir Cynlog) The location is uncertain, but both Evans and Coe suggest that it should be located at Eaton Bishop on the south bank of the Wye, just west of Hereford (LL 939; Coe 2002: 809–10). Davies suggested that Tir Cynlog should be located at Madley, just to the west of Eaton Bishop, but since Madley is specifically named elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis as the birth place and later cult centre of St Dyfrig (below, §14, and VSClitauci(LL/Vesp), §2), this seems less likely (Davies 1979: 94).}
Confirming the scripture that says ‘Give, and it shall be given to you’,^{58 Date, et dabitur uobis (Give, and it shall be given to you) Luke 6.38 (Vulgate). The same quote is used in §13 below. It is frequently found in Anglo-Saxon charters of the mid-tenth century (Davies 1972: 463, 473).} King Peibio son of Erf gave for his soul and for the repayment of future reward four unciae of Cynlog’s Land, on the bank of the River Wye below the island of Efrddyl^{59 insulam Ebrdil (the island of Efrddyl) Probably a ‘relatively low-lying triangle of land south of the Wye (Gwy), with Moccas at the north-west end and Madley at the south-east end’ (Coe 2002: 380–1).} as far as Cwm Barrwg^{60 Cum Barruc (Cwm Barrwg) See the note to §8.} in the valley of the Dore,^{61 yn isstrat Dour (in the valley of the Dore) In the Liber Landavensis and Vespasian A. xiv, these words are divided as ynis stratdour and ynis starat dour respectively. Since ynis stratdour (island of the Dore valley) makes little sense in context, Coe plausibly suggested that the words should be divided as yn isstrat Dour (in the valley of the Dore) (Coe 2002: 384–5). The modern name for this valley is Golden Valley, and the Welsh name for the river Dore is correspondingly Afon Aur (River of Gold). It is likely that the name Golden Valley arose due to French-speakers misunderstanding Doreas d’or (of gold).} without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly man unless for the archmonastery of Llandaff and archbishop Dyfrig^{62 archimonasterio Landauię et archiepiscopo Dubricio (for the archmonastery of Llandaff and archbishop Dyfrig) This is the reading of Vespasian A. xiv. The Liber Landavensis reads Landauię archiepiscopo Dubricio (for Dyfrig archbishop of Llandaff), but this reading is preceded in the manuscript by a long illegible erasure, which might well have originally read archimonasterio. It is thus likely that the common exemplar contained the word archimonasterio, and probably also the word et, which would have been required for sense. Since et does not appear in the Liber Landavensis, it is likely that the erasure in that manuscript was made by the main hand, after archimonasterio Landauię had been written but before archiepiscopo Dubricio was written. Presumably the scribe wished to connect St Dyfrig more explicitly with the see of Llandaff.} and his successors in perpetuity. From the clergy the witnesses are Archbishop Dyfrig, Arwystl, Ufelfyw, Ieuan, Inabwy, Cynfran, Gwrfan.^{63 See the note to the clerical witness list in §5.} From the laity, moreover: Peibio and his sons Cinust⁠^{64 Cinust Probably an error for Cinuin (Davies 1979: 94).} and Gwyddgi, and the heirs of Cynlog, Cynwal and many other of the greater men of the whole kingdom. May they who would perform sacrilege against this gift be cursed. Amen.

§12

Porth Dulon [Dulon’s Port].⁠^{65 Porth Tvlon (Porth Dulon [Dulon’s Port]) This place is apparently named after the Dulon mentioned in the text. The same place is referred to in a charter at LL 239–40 as portus Dulon⁠. It therefore seems odd that the rubricator of the present document has spelt the name with a T. Perhaps the rubricator misapplied the spelling convention whereby intervocalic /d/ was spelt with a t. Wendy Davies judged that this document has ‘little in it to suggest the framework of an early charter’ (Davies 1979: 94).}
While Merchwyn son of Glywys was ruling, Gwrddwg presented Dyfrig, archbishop of the church of Llandaff, with his virgin daughter Dulon, whom Dyfrig consecrated as a nun, and four modii⁠^{66 quattuor modiis (four modii) The use of the modius as a unit of land derives from the Roman use of the modius as a measure of grain, and thus as a measure of the ale that could be produced from grain. Originally, one modius of land was the amount of land which, under local conditions, could be expected to produce one modius of ale for a food render to a lord. Modii were usually counted in units of three, seemingly because a standard vat of ale contained three modii. Cf. Davies 1973; Charles-Edwards 2013: 274–82.} of land were given to him in eternal consecration, without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly man unless for God and the archbishop of Llandaff, and with its entire status and freedom and complete common use of the region of Gower in field and in woods, in water and in pastures. Witnessed by Archbishop Dyfrig, who is present with his clerics Ufelfyw, Merchwyn, Cuelyn. From the laity, moreover: King Merchwyn, Madog, Garw, Lugobi, Llyfaeth and innumerable others are witnesses. With a curse from every mouth and excommunication done to all those who would in future separate that land from the church of Llandaff and its bishops. Amen. But with a blessing given to those who would in future preserve it.

§13

Concerning Penally.⁠^{67 According to Wendy Davies, this document has ‘nothing to suggest the framework of any early charter’ (Davies 1979: 95).}
Nowy son of Arthur, fulfilling the command of the apostle who said ‘Give, and it shall be given to you’,^{68 Date, et dabitur uobis (Give, and it shall be given to you) Luke 6.38 (Vulgate). The same quote is used in §11 above.} and elsewhere where it is said ‘A giving hand will not be wanting’,^{69 Manus porrigens non erit indigens (A giving hand will not be wanting) The source of this quote has not been identified.} gave in exchange for the heavenly kingdom firstly the land of Penally with its territory, without the requirement to render any payment to an earthly man unless for God and Archbishop Dyfrig^{70 Dubricio (Dyfrig) The perceived connection between Penally and St Dyfrig may have arisen because of the proximity of Penally to Ynys Bŷr, which was later part of the parish of Penally (LWS 80). Ynys Bŷr, represented by the eponymous Abbot Piro, was probably one of the few places in Wales with which a Welsh cleric of the twelfth century, equipped with a copy of the First Life of St Samson, could have found St Dyfrig associated in an earlier text (cf. Flobert 1997: 178–81, 196–201 (§§20–1, 33–6); VSSamsonis(LL), §§18–19, 27–30). The connection between St Dyfrig and Penally via Ynys Bŷr would have allowed the compiler of the Liber Landavensis to associate the three important Teilo cult centres listed in the present document with Llandaff at an early stage in Llandaff’s fabricated ‘history’.} and Llandaff, founded in honour of St Peter, and all his successors; and Llanfawr on the bank of the river Towy with its two territories, where Teilo, pupil and disciple of holy Dyfrig, dwelt; and the territory of the watermen^{71 territorium aquilentium (territory of the watermen) Llanddowror in Carmarthenshire, called Llanddyfrwyr (church of the watermen) elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis (VSTeliaui(LL), §29; VSOudocei(LL), §5). aquilentium is presumably the genitive plural form of an otherwise unattested noun *aquilens, -entis (watery one), intended as a calque on Welsh dyfrwr, plural dyfrwyr.} on the bank of the river Taf. Nowy placed his hand on the four gospels and commended this alms to be held by Archbishop Dyfrig in perpetuity, with all its sanctuary, and with its every freedom in field and in woods, in water and in pastures, with perpetual anathema for whosoever should separate the aforesaid lands from the church of Llandaff from that day forth, and with its status. Amen. From the laity Nowy is the only witness, with an innumerable multitude of men. From the clergy, moreover: Archbishop Dyfrig, Arwystl, Ufelfyw, Ieuan, Inabwy, Cynfran, Gwrfan, Elhaearn, Iddno, Gwrddogwy, Gwernabwy.^{72 See the note to the clerical witness list in §5. The final seven names in the present list occur together in the same order in the list of Dyfrig’s disciples below (§15).} May there be peace in their days and an abundance of possessions for those who would in future keep the gift secure; and for those who would in future violate that which was commended to God, may their sons be orphans and their wives widows.^{73 filii eorum orphani et uxores eorum uiduę (may their sons be orphans and their wives widows) Psalms 108.9 (Vulgate; modern 109.9). Cf. VSOudocei(LL), §19.} Amen. The boundary of the territory of the church of the watermen: as Gwern y Duon [Alder-Marsh of the Black Ones]^{74 Guern i Duon (Gwern y Duon [Alder-Marsh of the Black Ones]) Coe suggests that this is the stream flowing into the Taf at SN290140 (Coe 2002: 324–5).} leads into the Taf. Across the mountain straight to the head of Nant Eilon [the Deer Stream].⁠^{75 Nant Eilon (Nant Eilon [the Deer Stream]) Cf. GPC Online s.v. eilon1, eilion. Coe suggests that this should be identified with the stream at SN256137 (Coe 2002: 635–6).} Along Nant Eilon to the Cyhyr [Sinew].⁠^{76 Cehir (Cyhyr [Sinew]) Coe suggests that this should be identified with the stream at SN254149 that flows past Llanddowror (Coe 2002: 152).} From the Cyhyr upwards to Nant Bach Lladron [Stream of the Thieves’ Nook].⁠^{77 Nant Bach Latron (Nant Bach Lladron [Stream of the Thieves’ Nook]) Bach is apparently the noun meaning ‘nook, angle, corner, bend’ rather than the common adjective meaning small (cf. GPC Online s.v. bach⁠2, c). Coe suggests that this should be identified with the stream at SN250133 (Coe 2002: 623).} As Nant Bach Lladron leads upwards, going across to make for the source of Nant Dwfn [the Deep Stream].⁠^{78 blain Nant Duuin (the source of Nant Dwfn [the Deep Stream]) It has been suggested that in this case nant means ‘valley’ rather than ‘stream’ (CPNE 88; Coe 2002: 635). If so, blain would presumably mean ‘end, top’ rather than ‘source of river/stream’. However, it would be difficult to reconcile the ‘valley’ meaning with the later statement that Nant Dwfn has an aber, ‘river mouth, estuary, confluence’, and so it seems preferable to take the meaning as ‘stream’. Coe suggests that this stream should be identified with one of the two streams at SN239151 and SN241151.} As Nant Dwfn leads to the Taf. From the confluence of Nant Dwfn as the Taf leads downwards to the confluence of Gwern y Duon where it began. The boundary of the territory of Llandeilo Fawr: from Ffynnon y Da [Spring of the Goods]^{79 Finnaun i Da (Ffynnon y Da [Spring of the Goods]) Located by Coe ‘on or near the banks of the Tywi between grid squares SN6121 and SN6928’ (Coe 2002: 281–2).} at the end of Y Glasbwll [The Blue Pool] on the Towy, with the other end in Yr Ŷd-tir Melyn [The Yellow Cornfield]. From Yr Ŷd-tir Melyn as far as the Erddyl. Along the Erddyl as far as the Dulais.⁠^{80 Dubleis (Dulais) Note that, in the Liber Landavensis, this stream is firstly spelt Dubleis, showing the etymological -b of du (‘black’) and the initial mutation of glais (‘stream, rivulet’), but latterly Dugleis, omitting the former and not spelling the latter. In Vespasian A. xiv, the stream is twice spelt Dugleis.} From the Dulais to the confluence. The confluence straight to Nant Llŵyd [the Grey Stream]. From Nant Llŵyd to Cegin Meirch [Horses’ Ridge].⁠^{81 Cecyn Meryrc (Cegin Meirch [Horses’ Ridge]) Probably the ridge at SN594283. At either end of the north-western slope of this ridge are place-names containing the element march (horse): Llwyn-march and Pistyllmarch (Coe 2002: 148–9).} From Cegin Meirch along its length as far as Crug Pedyll Bechan.⁠^{82 Cruc Petill Bechan (Crug Pedyll Bechan) Crug Pedyll would mean ‘Hillock of the Bowls’. Bechan is more troublesome; it would appear to be the feminine singular form of bychan (little), but this could not follow the plural pedyll. It has been suggested that bechan is thus a personal name (EANC 40; Coe 2002: 198), but this is not especially convincing.} From there as far as Yr Hebogmain [The Hawk-Stones]. From Yr Hebogmain into the Dulas Bisweiliog [Dungy Dulas].⁠^{83 Dugleis Bisgueiliauc (Dulas Bisweiliog [Dungy Dulas]) Probably the Dulas at SN544207 (Coe 2002: 234–5). Presumably the adjective bisweiliog was used to differentiate this stream from the other Dulais in these bounds.} From the Dulas Bisweiliog as far as Nant yr Eilin [Stream of the Stag].⁠^{84 Nant ir Eilin (Nant yr Eilin [Stream of the Stag]) Possible the modern Nant Hîr (Coe 2002: 643–4).} From Nant yr Eilin as far as Crug Cust [the Hidden Hillock].⁠^{85 iChruc Cust (in Crug Cust [the Hidden Hillock]) The sequence iCh in iChruc represents the preposition in followed by the nasal mutation of the inital c. Cust is otherwise known only as the root of the adjective digust (clear, open, unobscured), itself only attested once in the work of the fourteenth-century poet Dafydd ap Gwilym (GPC Online s.v. digust).} From Crug Cust to Crug Corngam [the Crooked-Horned Hillock]. From there as far as the source of the Ysgeifiog.⁠^{86 Isceuiauc (Ysgeifiog) Suggested to be the stream at SN601250 (Coe 2002: 383).} Along the Ysgeifiog as far as the Myddyfi,⁠^{87 Ueithini (Myddyfi) For the identification, see LL 412; EANC 163; Coe 2002: 614.} straight to Yr Hen Allt [The Old Hill]. From there to Cil yr Adar [The Birds’ Nook], to Llygad Tauern,⁠^{88 Licat Tauern (Llygad Tauern) Tauern might be ModW tafarn (pub, inn), seemingly showing the retention of the second vowel of Lat. taberna, from which tafarn derives (Coe 2002: 481). However, if that is correct, the resultant meaning of Llygad Tafarn is not at all clear.} straight to Pistyll Dewi [Dewi’s Spring], along it as far as Dynevor Fort. From Dynevor Fort downwards as far as Letuer Cell⁠^{89 Letuer Cell This name is difficult to interpret. Coe tentatively suggests analysing it as ModW Llydw + yr + Cell, meaning ‘Community of the Cell’, but this requires the two instances of e in Letuer to mean /ə/, which would be very unusual in the orthography of the Liber Landavensis.} on the Towy.

§14

There was a certain king of the region of Ergyng named Peibio,^{90 Qvidam rex fuit Ercychi regionis Pepiau nomine (There was a certain king of the region of Ergyng named Peibio) In Rhygyfarch’s Life of St David, David cures Peibio, king of Ergyng, of his blindness (VSDauid(Vesp), §13).} called claforog in British, but spumosus [‘frothy’] in Latin, who went on an expedition against his enemies.^{91 Before the beginning of this section, Vespasian A. xiv adds the title Incipit vita sancti Dubritii⁠, archiepiscopi urbis legionum. .xviii. kalendas decembris (Here begins the Life of St Dyfrig, archbishop of Caerleon. 14th of November). Note that this title, following Geoffrey of Monmouth (GMon viii.140.293, ix.143.2, ix.147.94, ix.156.332–3) and Benedict of Gloucester (VSDubricii(VespII), §§8, 26), connects Dyfrig to Caerleon rather than Llandaff, despite what the text of the Life claims.} And returning from there, he ordered his daughter Efrddyl^{92 Ebrdil (Efrddyl) Efrddyl was evidently an important local saint, some of whose dedications in western Herefordshire and Monmouthshire were located in the vicinity of dedications to St Dyfrig. The present story about Efrddyl as the mother of St Dyfrig was probably designed to link the two local saints together more closely, while emphasising the general pre-eminence of Dyfrig (Davies 2003: 79–80).} to wash his head for him. While she was trying to do that, he perceived from her weight that she was pregnant. As a result the king, brought to anger, commanded that she be shut up in a leather bag and cast out into the river, so that she might be borne away to wherever fortune might wish. It happened in the opposite way; for however many times she was placed in the river, the same number of times she was driven to the shore, guided by God. For that reason her father, feeling indignant, dispatched her to be burned in a fire, since he could not drown her in the waves. And so a pyre was prepared, into which the girl could be thrust while still alive. But when morning came, the messengers who had been sent by the father to discover if anything remained of his daughter’s bones found her holding a son in her bosom,^{93 Vespasian A. xiv adds: uestibus illius atque capillis ab omni compustione illesi (with his clothes and hair unharmed by any burning).} whom she had borne next to a rock. This rock is positioned in that very place as evidence of the boy’s miraculous birth. And the place is called Madley by the common people, because a blessed man had been born there. Once her father had heard that, he commanded that his daughter be brought to him with her son. And after they had come to him, the boy embraced him with motherly affection, as is wont to happen, and, kissing him, touched his grandfather’s face and mouth with an infant’s unsteadiness. Nor did this happen without divine permission, for by the touch of the infant’s hands his grandfather was cured of the incurable malady under which he had laboured. For he would discharge drivel from his mouth continuously, which two servants without any respite were scarcely able to wipe away with towels. After he realised that he had been cured by the infant’s touch, he rejoiced excessively, like someone who has been in a ship-wreck when he comes into port;^{94 gauisus est nimium, ut aliquis positus in naufragio cum peruenerit ad portum (he rejoiced excessively, like someone who has been in a ship-wreck when he comes into port) Compare the simile used in the Life of St Euddogwy when a stag pursued by hunters reaches the safety of Euddogwy’s cloak: At si post naufragium qui peruenerit ad portum, aut post tristitiam qui uenit ad gaudium (And just like when someone has come into port after a ship-wreck, or like when someone has turned from sadness to joy) (VSOudocei(LL), §9).} and though at first he had been roaring like a lion, he was afterwards turned into a lamb, and he started to love the infant more than all his sons and grandsons. And with regard to that place Madley (that is mat, ‘good’; le, ‘place’; thence Matle, that is ‘good place’), he made it hereditary, along with the whole island which took its name from his mother Efrddyl (that is Ynys Efrddyl [Efrddyl’s Island]),^{95 Inis Ebrdil (Ynys Efrddyl [Efrddyl’s Island]) For Ynys Efrddyl, see the note to §11.} which is called by others Maes Mail Lochou.^{96 Mais Mail Lochou (Maes Mail Lochou) It has been suggested that Mais Mail Lochou is the same as campus Malochu in the charter at LL 165–6 (LL 411–12; CPNE 165). It is possible that Mais Mail Lochou should be identified with a large district known later as Mawfield (Coplestone-Crow 1989: 14; Coe 2002: 570–1). Mail Lochou might be an Irish personal name of the type mael (servant) + adjective/noun/proper noun (Coe 2002: 571).}

§15

And from that hour he increased in age, and when it was time for him to learn he was sent away for the study of letters, cheerful and with great devotion. And although he was a youth in age, he was at once a mature man with great prudence and eloquence in learning. And after he was made a man in body, age and wisdom, his reputation spread along with his knowledge of each law, the new and the old,^{97 utriusque legis, noui et ueteris, peritia (knowledge of each law, the new and the old) Compare the description of Master Caradog in the Life of St Elgar: peritus in scientia utriusque legis, nouę et ueteris (expert in the knowledge of each law, the new and the old) (VSElgari(LL), §4).} through the whole of Britain, so that students came from every part of the whole of Britain; not only unlearned men, but also wise men and teachers flocked to him for the sake of study.^{98 For the following list, see LWS 68–73 and Davies 2003: 81–4.} Among the first were holy Teilo, Samson his disciple, Ufelfyw,^{99 Vbeluius (Ufelfyw) The alleged successor of Euddogwy as bishop of Llandaff, and recipient of the three charters at LL 160–2.} Merchwyn, Elwared, Gwynfyw,^{100 Merchguinus, Elguoredus, Gunuinus (Merchwyn, Elwared, Gwynfyw) These three disciples are found listed in the same order in the Life of St Euddogwy among those who elected Euddogwy as bishop (VSOudocei(LL), §§3–4; cf. LWS 69, 211). All three appear as witnesses to other documents in the Liber Landavensis (Davies 2003: 81–2).For the form ‘Gwynfyw’, compare VSOudocei(LL), §§3–4, where the same person is called both Gunnuinus⁠ and Gunnbiu⁠.} Cynwal, Arthfoddw, Cynwr,^{101 Congual, Arthbodu, Congur (Cynwal, Arthfoddw, Cynwr) Probably the three eponyms of Llangynwalan, Llanarthfoddw and Llangynwr in Gower, which are listed, in the same order, as properties granted to St Euddogwy in a charter appended to his Life (VSOudocei(LL), §16; cf. LWS 69–70; Davies 2003: 82). The charter in which these properties are granted specifies that podum Cyngualan (the church of Cynwalan) was ‘St Dyfrig’s land in the country of Gower, which St Euddogwy had lost’. Llangynwalan is probably the monasterium sancti Cinguali (monastery of St Cynwal) violated by King Gruffudd in the charter as LL 239 (Davies 1979: 124).} Arwystl,^{102 Arguistil (Arwystl) Supposed bishop of Llandaff and recipient of the charter at LL 166–7. Probably also the Bishop Elgistus who is the recipient of the charter at LL 163 (see notes to §6 and §8 above).} Inabwy,^{103 Iunabui (Inabwy) Supposed bishop of Llandaff and recipient of the two charters at LL 163–4. Inabwy is the only person who appears in both the present list of Dyfrig’s disciples and the list of Teilo’s disciples in the Life of St Teilo (VSTeiliaui(LL), §16).} Cynfran, Gwrfan,^{104 Guoruan (Gwrfan) Supposed bishop of Llandaff and recipient of the charter at LL 167–8.} Elhaearn, Iddno, Gwrddogwy, Gwernabwy,^{105 Elheharn, Iudnou, Guordocui, Guernabui (Elhaearn, Iddno, Gwrddogwy, Gwernabwy) These four disciples are found as a group in the charter at LL 163–4, granting Llancloudy to Bishop Inabwy, which is witnessed by⁠Iudnou abbas Bolcros⁠ (Iddno, abbot of Bellamore), ⁠Helhearn abbas Lannguorboe⁠ (Elhaearn, abbot of Garway[?]), Guordoce abbas Lanndeui⁠ (Gwrddogwy, abbot of Llanddewi [possibly Much Dewchurch]) and Guenuor [recte Guernabui⁠] abbas Lanngarthbenni (⁠Guenuor⁠, abbot of Welsh Bicknor), and in the charter at LL 165–6, granting St Kingsmark and its lands to Bishop ⁠Comeregius⁠, which is witnessed by ⁠Iudon⁠ [recte Iudnou⁠] abbas Bolgros⁠, ⁠Elhearn abbas Lannguruoe⁠, ⁠Gurdocoe abbas Lanndeui⁠ and ⁠Guernapui Guritpenni⁠ (cf. Davies 1979: 104–5). The charter between these two at LL 164–5, granting Ballingham to Bishop Inabwy, is witnessed by three of the four: Iudnou abbas Bolgros⁠, ⁠Guordocui abbas Lanndeui⁠ and ⁠Guernabui princeps Garthbenni⁠.} Ieuan, Aeddan,^{106 Aidan (Aeddan) Supposed bishop of Llandaff and recipient of the charter at LL 162–3.} Cynfarch.^{107 Cinuarch (Cynfarch) The eponym of the Lanncinmarch , now St Kingsmark, granted in the charter at LL 165–6, as is noted in the latter’s disposition: ecclesiam Cynmarchi discipuli Dubricii sancti (the church of Cynfarch, disciple of St Dyfrig). Four other disciples of Dyfrig listed in the present list are witnesses to this charter (see note to Gwernabwy above).} And with those thousand clerics he continued in the study of letters of divine and earthly wisdom for seven continual years in the church of Henllan^{108 Hennlann (Henllan) Possibly Hentland in Herefordshire (Coe 2002: 361–2).} on the bank of the Wye, offering an example to them in himself of the religious life and of perfect love. And choosing a place for another period in the location of his birth, that is Ynys Efrddyl, in the corner of that island fitted out with wood and fishes on the bank of the Wye, he remained with his innumerable disciples for many years directing study, attaching to the place the name Moccas^{109 Mochros (Moccas) Note that a Llanefrddyl is mentioned as being near Moccas in the charter at LL 192 (LWS 66).} (moch, that is ‘pigs’; ros, that is ‘place’; Mochros in British speech is translated as ‘place of pigs’). It was the ‘place of pigs’ for good reason, because on the preceding night there had appeared to him an angel, saying to him in a dream, ‘the place that you have proposed and chosen, see to it tomorrow that you search it throughout, and wherever you find a sow of white colour lying down with its piglets, in that place found and establish in the name of the Holy Trinity a dwelling-place along with an oratory.’^{110 ubicunque inueneris suem albi coloris cubantem cum suis porcellis, ibi funda et conde in nomine Sanctę Trinitatis habitaculum simul et oraculum (wherever you find a sow of white colour lying down with its piglets, in that place found and establish in the name of the Holy Trinity a dwelling-place along with an oratory) Karen Jankulak has noted that the motif of a saint founding a church in a place marked out by wild swine is common in the hagiography of the Celtic-speaking world, and probably derives ultimately from the account of the foundation of Alba Longa in Virgil’s Aeneid (Jankulak 2003).A number of features of the episode in the Life of St Dyfrig link it particularly closely to similar episodes in Wrmonoc’s Life of St Paul Aurelian, written in Brittany in 884 (Cuissard 1881–3: 442–3), and in the Lives of Cadog, Illtud and Cyngar (VSCadoci(Vesp), §8; VSCadoci(Gotha); VSIltuti(Vesp), §7; VSCungari(Wells); cf. LWS 74–5; Jankulak 2003: 273–4). All these episodes involve a saint founding a church, dedicated specifically to the Holy Trinity, in a place marked out by wild (and often white) swine. Similar terms are used to describe the church buildings in each text. In the Lives of Illtud and Cyngar, the buildings established by the saints in the places designated by the swine are described as habitacula and oratoria. The same words are used to describe churches founded by Paul Aurelian in his Life, though not the church founded on the swine site. To these should be compared the habitaculum and oraculum founded by Dyfrig, as mentioned in the present extract and again below. It is perhaps noteworthy that, in the first statement of the two buildings founded by Dyfrig, Vespasian A. xiv reads oratorium, as in the other Lives, rather than oraculum. However, oraculum is used elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis to describe churches founded by SS. Euddogwy and Clydog (VSOudocei(LL), §§9, 14; VSClitauci(LL/Vesp), §1).} The man of God, roused from sleep, mindful as usual of the angelic command, immediately searched through the place with his disciples. And as the angelic voice had promised him, a sow of white colour with its piglets leapt up in front of them out of that place, and there he assuredly founded and delimited an oratory along with a dwelling-place. And he lived the regular life there for many years, preaching and teaching the clergy and the people, with his doctrine shining throughout Britain like a lantern on a candlestick;^{111 ut lucerna super candelabrum (like a lantern on a candlestick) Cf. Matthew 5.15; Mark 4.21; Luke 8.16, 11.33; VSOudocei(LL), §2.} without any blemish of false dogma, the whole British people preserved sincere faith.^{112 sine aliqua praui dogmatis macula sinceram fidem tota gens britannica conseruauit (without any blemish of false dogma, the whole British people preserved sincere faith) Repeated above, §1, in relation to the state of Britain before the Pelagian heresy: Quam christianę religionis fidem sine aliqua praui dogmatis macula sinceram conseruauerunt (What sincere faith of Christian religion they preserved without any blemish of false dogma).}

§16

While the blessed man, bestowed with noble parentage^{113 nobili parentela (noble parentage) The same phrase is used to describe Master Caradog in the Life of St Elgar (VSElgari(LL), §4).} as well as manifest eloquence, was shining forth in doctrine, his virtue increased in the country, and entrance into paradise increased for the people. Whenever physical toil would intensify, all the more would he rejoice on account of such a great burden, expecting recompense in the precinct of heaven. The sick would be made healthy by the laying-on of his hand;^{114 eius manus impositione (by the laying-on of his hand) The same phrase is used in the Liber Landavensis Life of St Samson to describe Dyfrig’s baptism of Samson (cuius manus impositione) and twice in the Life of St Teilo to describe Dyfrig’s baptism of Samson (cuius manus impositione) and Teilo’s healing of the sick (eius manus impositione) (VSSamsonis(LL), §39; VSTeliaui(LL), §§11, 17). Neither passage appears in the Vespasian A. xiv Life of St Teilo.} they would be cured from various sicknesses, as in the one example I recount out of many others.^{115 et ut quiddam de multis enarrem (as in the one example I recount out of many others) The story immediately recounted, derived wholly from the Life of St Samson (see next note), does not seem to agree with the sentiment of this statement, because it does not concern a healing miracle. However, the story in the next section (§17), concerning a sick girl whom St Dyfrig heals by expelling the demon that had possessed her, makes much more sense as the quiddam de multis. This strongly suggests that the episode taken from the Life of St Samson has been clumsily inserted into a pre-existing version of the Life of St Dyfrig, in which the story of §17 directly followed the present statement (LWS 63, esp. n. 13; Guy 2018: 14–15).} The man of blessed memory Dyfrig visited the monastery of blessed Illtud at the time of Lent, so that he might correct what needed to be emended, and confirm what needed to be maintained.^{116 The following story is based on the Life of St Samson (VSSamsonis(LL), §§27–9), though there the events take place in Piro’s rather than Illtud’s monastery, and it is Samson rather than Dyfrig who causes the empty containers to become full.} For in that place were living together many of the holiest men, and many others who were ensnared by a certain malice, and brother Samson, son of Ammon, was dwelling among them. On the day of his ordination in the episcopal seat by the same aforesaid father, firstly to the office of deacon, secondly to the office of priest, and thirdly to the office of bishop, he was worthy enough for a white dove to descend upon his head, which was observed by the blessed archbishop and by Abbot Illtud throughout his ordination.^{117 Cf. VSSamsonis(LL), §§12, 13, 38.} The monastery^{118 domus (monastery) The same word is used to describe Illtud’s monastery in the First Life of St Samson, §13 (Flobert 1997: 166), though not in the Liber Landavensis version of Samson’s Life.} of blessed Illtud was shared between the brothers, and the ecclesiastical possessions were shared out according to the work that each of them had, and the duties were shared out among the brothers. Indeed, the office of cellarer was granted by his ecclesiastical superiors^{119 prelatoribus (ecclesiastical superiors) praelator is a relatively rare word; dictionaries quote only one example from Tertullian (e.g. Lewis and Short 1879) and the present example (DMLBS).} to blessed Samson, who served appropriate provisions to the clergy by day and night, but was still pleasing to the general community. One day, when he had given out all the cups to guests, and all the cellar’s containers had been emptied on account of such great joy at the arrival of the lord Dyfrig and his retinue, it was made known to a certain envious person that the cellarer had completely exhausted the drink. For that same person had himself been in control of that office, but since it had been withdrawn from him in favour of brother Samson he envied Samson because of his generous hand. Having heard the muttering of the congregation for himself, Samson came to holy Dyfrig, blushing on account of so great a mutter; he recounted everything that had happened in order, saying, ‘Oh holy father! Oh flower of the country, help me!’ Hearing the request, holy Dyfrig prayed to God that he might free Samson from the anguish that he was suffering. And prompted by paternal feeling, he entered the cellar accompanied by Samson, and as it is said, ‘God is wonderful in his saints’.^{120 Mirabilis Deus in sanctis suis (God is wonderful in his saints) From Psalms 67.36 (Vulgate; modern 68.35). Cf. VSSamsonis(LL), §5; VSTeliaui(LL), §§5 and 29; VSTeliaui(Vesp), §5; below, §20.} Marvellous to tell, he raised his hand and bestowed a blessing upon it; and once that had been given, straightaway the containers were completely overflowing, just as if they had been filled with liquid that very hour in the usual way, and once the malice of envy had been removed, they were restored to fullness, and those things that were granted away through largess were brought back as a reward for prayers.

§17

As the people were taking refuge as usual with the blessed man Dyfrig and recovering the health of their souls and bodies, a certain powerful man born from royal stock, Guidgentiuai,^{121 Guidgentiuai This same strange name form appears in a charter appended to the Life of St Euddogwy as the name of the father of Brochfael, donor of Mynachdy (VSOudocei(LL), §33). Guidgentiuai may either be an error for Guidgenti, a Latinization of Guidgen (Gwyddien), or Guidgen plus an unknown epithet tiuai. See the notes to VSOudocei(LL), §24.} came to him, begging him on bended knees to free his daughter called Ariannell,^{122 Arganhell (Ariannell) Doble pointed out that Arganhell appears as a name element in two boundary clauses in the Liber Landavensis, concerning places located respectively near Pencoyd in Herefordshire (above, §10) and near St Maughan’s, just over the Herefordshire border in Monmouthshire (LL 173; cf. above, §9) (LWS 75–6; Davies 2003: 80). Perhaps one such topographical name in Herefordshire served as a model for the name of Guidgentiuai ’s daughter. Ariannell is a fairly common river name (EANC 92–6; CPNE 11; Coe 2002: 78–9), though there are other examples of Ariannell as a personal name (EANC 95).} who had been possessed by a demon.^{123 John Reuben Davies noted that this exorcism story has parallels in the First Life of St Samson: Davies 2003: 112; cf. Flobert 1997: 200–3, 222–3 (§§38, 52); VSSamsonis(LL), §§32, 45.} To such an extent was she tormented that she could scarcely be restrained with ropes tied to her hands to ensure that she would not be drowned in the river, burned in a fire, or devour everything that came near her with her teeth. Oh, how brilliant it is to serve God, who holds all things in his governance and restrains all things according to his will! Having heard the request beforehand, the father prayed to the Lord, and falling to the ground, tears already shed, he entreated God to provide relief for the sick girl through the intercession of the blessed Peter, prince of the apostles and of all the saints. Once her ropes had been broken, the girl, who was next to her father and her relatives, was purged of the evil spirit without blemish, and recovering health and full awareness, she completely regained her original health, which was improved in all respects. Straightaway, she recognised her own weakness. Filled with the Holy Spirit, she set aside the secular world and led her life in a better condition to its end, remaining under the holy man’s protection with the modesty of virginity intact.

§18

The blessed man, wearied by certain infirmities and old age, seeing that at this stage of his life he did not have sufficient strength for both himself and the people, set aside the laborious work of the episcopal office and lived an eremitical life by himself for many years on Bardsey Island with numerous holy men and his disciples, who were living by the labour of their hands. And he ended his life gloriously.^{124 John Reuben Davies noted that the preceding description of Dyfrig’s resignation of episcopal office is similar to the description of Euddogwy’s resignation of episcopal office in his Life (VSOudocei(LL), §10; Davies 2003: 137–8).} In British custom, that island is called both anciently and proverbially the Rome of Britain, on account of the long and dangerous sea-crossing (the island being situated at the extremity of the kingdom), and on account of the place’s holiness and beauty: holiness because 20,000 saints lie there, the bodies of confessors as much as martyrs; beauty because it is surrounded on every side by the sea, with a headland rising up on the eastern side, but with flat and fertile land to the west, well-watered by a sweet-flowing spring and partly coastal, and well supplied with dolphins; it lacks all serpents and all frogs, and in fact none of the younger brothers dwelling in it is seized by death while an elder brother survives in this present life.^{125 Quę more britannico [...] hac presenti uita (In British custom [...] in this present life) This entire description of Bardsey Island is also found word for word in the Life of St Elgar (VSElgari(LL), §2), excepting only the phrases et antiquitus et in prouerbio and in ea conuersantium. Doble observed that the claim about the brothers dying in order of age is made also in Wrdisten’s Life of Winwaloe, written in Landévennec in Brittany in the second half of the ninth century (LWS 76–7, and esp. n. 52; cf. De Smedt 1888: 241–5 (ii.26); SoC, ii, 74–5). John Reuben Davies has argued that the Life of St Elgar was the original source of the passage (Davies 2003: 127–8).}

§19

And since the natives used to venerate him and possess him in body,^{126 Et quoniam uenerabantur indigenę corporaliter et habebant (And since the natives used to venerate him and possess him in body) Presumably this is referring to the natives of Bardsey Island, who possessed Dyfrig’s body before it was translated to Llandaff, as is explained in the next section.} those who remain there call upon that father as an intercessor with God and with all the saints of that island, and as defender of the whole country. Indeed, few of the many miracles have been committed to writing, as is to be expected when they have either been burnt up in the fires of enemies or else carried off far away by a band of exiled citizens. However, it was later investigated and acquired from the documents of the elders and from ancient writings recorded in letters.^{127 Pauca miracula quidem [...] antiquissimis scriptis litterarum (Indeed, few of the many miracles [...] from ancient writings recorded in letters) Most of this section is closely paralleled in the Life of St Euddogwy (VSOudocei(LL), §12), and a similar passage is found in the Liber Landavensis Life of St Teilo (VSTeliaui(LL), §17). All three passages are based ultimately on Gildas’s De excidio Britanniae (DEB 4.4). See Davies 2003: 118–19.} He was buried in that place within the burial ground of the holy men of Bardsey, and at that site he was securely interred. And we commit to writing and memory whence and how and in the time of which princes (the apostolic emperor, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Bangor) he was translated from there to Llandaff.

§20

In the time of Pope Calixtus, Henry emperor of the Romans, Ralph archbishop of Canterbury, Henry king of the English, David bishop of Bangor, Urban bishop of Llandaff. In the six hundred and twelfth year of the Lord’s incarnation,^{128 Sexcentesimo duodecimo anno incarnationis dominicę (In the six hundred and twelfth year of the Lord’s incarnation) The date was probably taken from a version of the Welsh Latin annals (Jones 1946: 131; LWS 61, n. 12, 65). It conflicts with the claim in §1 that Dyfrig was consecrated by Germanus and Lupus in the first half of the fifth century.} St Dyfrig, bishop of the church of Llandaff, passed on to the Lord on 14 November. However, in the year one thousand, one hundred and twenty (a leap-year), on Friday 7 May, he was translated from Bardsey Island by Urban, bishop of the same church, with the word and consent of Ralph, metropolitan bishop of the church of Canterbury, and the agreement of David, bishop of the church of Bangor, and also in the presence of Gruffudd, king of Gwynedd, and with the simultaneous approval of all the clergy and people. And on Sunday 23 May he was received in his church of Llandaff,^{129 Millesimo uero centesimo uigesimo (bissextilique) anno [...] receptus est in suam ecclesiam Landauiam (However, in the year one thousand, one hundred and twenty (a leap-year) [...] he was received in his church of Llandaff) This passage is a re-edited version of a passage in the Life of St Elgar: see Davies 2003: 127–8.} accompanied by a procession preceded by the holy cross and an abundance of relics. And upon his arrival, there was a copious amount of rain that was of great necessity for the people. For it had not rained for eight weeks or more anywhere in diocese of Glamorgan, nor even had a drop dripped. On 2 June,^{130 Quarta nonis eiusdem mensis (On 2 June) The text reckons this date as being in the same month (eiusdem mensis) as the arrival of Dyfrig’s relics in Llandaff because the latter date (23 May) is calculated backwards from the kalends of June.} on a Wednesday, the same aforesaid bishop, a man of good memory,^{131 uir bonę memorię (a man of good memory) The same phrase is used to describe Bishop Urban again below (§21). It is used again in the Life of St Elgar (VSElgari(LL), §4) to describe Master Caradog. A similar phrase, uir beatę memorię, is used to describe St Dyfrig above (§16). It was once thought that the use of this phrase to describe Bishop Urban indicated that the Liber Landavensis must have been written after his death in 1134 (LL xix; Brooke 1986: 19), but it is now recognised that it was common practice in the twelfth century to describe someone still living as bonę memorię (Davies 1972: 460, n. 13; Davies 1998b: 7–8).} after the hardship but before such joy had been attained for himself and his church on account of such a great patron, once he had fasted and prayed, summoned his canons, namely brother Esni,^{132 fratrem scilicet Esni (namely brother Esni) It is sometimes claimed on the basis of this statement that Esni was the brother of Bishop Urban (e.g. Davies 1946–8: ii, 516; Brooke 1986: 38, n. 90). However, the text simply calls Esni fratrem, not fratrem suum; this would usually imply only that Esni was a member of the religious community, and not that he was literally Urban’s blood relative.} the dean of the same church and a man of chastity and the highest prudence, and his chaplain called Isaac, a man of great shrewdness and ability. And after the sacred relics of blessed Dyfrig had been set down on the ground and each of them had been arranged, in order that they might be prepared and, with the dust removed, washed with water on account of that great journey, they were placed by their own hands in three basins before the altar of the Apostle Peter and the holy confessors Dyfrig, Teilo and Euddogwy, in reverence of that great treasure and of the entire country, and straightaway at the touch of the sacred relics the water boiled on all sides in a marvellous way, just as if a large, red-hot stone had been placed in it. Astounded, they not only marvelled because of the manifold boiling through the whole basin, but they even felt the water that had been so excessively heated. The heat in the water was increasing not for a short time or for the space of a moment, but actually for as long as the relics, one after the other, were being moved by them together in the water, right up until the end of the washing. They discerned the miracle not only by their senses of sight and touch, but also by their sense of hearing, as they were hearing the sound and turbulence of the hot and moist substance. After these things had been seen, heard and touched, in accordance with the way that ‘God is wonderful in his saints’,^{133 Mirabilis Deus in sanctis suis (God is wonderful in his saints) From Psalms 67.36 (Vulgate; modern 68.35). Cf. VSSamsonis(LL), §5; VSTeliaui(LL), §§5 and 29; VSTeliaui(Vesp), §5; above, §16.} the bishop took one bone from the arm, and, handling it with excessive joy, put it back down in the water. And placed in the bottom of the water, it moved itself around the bottom for a while, with nothing moving it except divine protection for more than an hour. Since at first only he alone had seen that, he summoned the dean, who was attending him, together with the chaplain, to see the motion of the bone and the water, and they gave thanks to God (as every testimony is made by the mouths of two or three men)^{134 in ore duorum aut trium (by the mouths of two or three men) Cf. Deut. 17.6, 19.15; Matthew 18.16; 2 Cor. 13.1.} for so great a miracle. Once they had seen those things, for the praise and exultation of God’s church they placed St Dyfrig’s relics into a tomb suited to that purpose, in the old monastery before St Mary’s altar, on the north side.

§21

And the aforesaid bishop, a man of good memory, seeing the smallness of the place, 28 feet in length, 15 in breadth, 20 in height, and with two aisles, one on each side, measured to a small size and height, and with an apse of round structure, 12 feet in length and breadth,^{135 This is referring to an apsidal sanctuary. Cf. Redknap 2006: 31.} with the advice of Ralph archbishop of the church of Canterbury and all the clergy and people of the same, initiated the construction of a greater monastery in honour of Peter the Apostle and the holy confessors Dyfrig, Teilo and Euddogwy, in the year one thousand, one hundred and twenty, on 14 April and on a Wednesday,^{136 .xviii. kalendas maii mensis et in quarta feria passionis (on 14 April and on a Wednesday) Note that the rebuilding of the cathedral therefore took place about three weeks before the beginning of the translation of Dyfrig’s relics, described in the previous section.} having received for himself and his church this letter of the lord archbishop,^{137 his litteris domini archiepiscopi (this letter of the lord archbishop) Very significantly, these words occur in both the Liber Landavensis and Vespasian A. xiv copies of the Life of St Dyfrig. In the Liber Landavensis, the Life is indeed followed immediately by a letter of Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury. No such letter is found in Vespasian A. xiv. This strongly suggests that the copy in Vespasian A. xiv derives from an earlier draft of the Liber Landavensis, a draft in which at least some of the documents copied into the latter had been placed in their extant order.} with a blessing and pardon of sin given to all those who would in future support the work undertaken.^{138 In Vespasian A. xiv, valete (farewell) is written at the end of the Life. Kathleen Hughes suggested that this was accidentally copied from a copy of the Life that had been sent from one church to another (Hughes 1980: 63). Note, however, that Hughes mistakenly asserted that valete appears at the end of the Life of Teilo, rather than the Life of Dyfrig. In Vespasian A. xiv, the Dyfrig dossier immediately follows the Life of Teilo, suggesting that both sets of material may have been inherited together by a compiler.}