§1

While King Clydog son of Clydwyn^{1 Clitauc filius Clitguin (Clydog son of Clydwyn) Clydwyn and his son Clydog appear in the various versions of the genealogical tract associated with Brychan Brycheiniog as Brychan’s son and grandson respectively (EWGT: 15 (§11.3), 18 (§14.3), 42 (§2.3), 81 (2b)). The earliest of these tracts, De situ Brecheniauc⁠, which, like the Life of St Clydog itself, is preserved in Vespasian A. xiv, describes them as follows: Clytguin filius Brachan, qui inuasit totam terram Sudgwalliae. Clydouc sanctus et Dedyu sanctus, filii illius Clytguein⁠ (Clydwyn son of Brychan, who invaded the whole land of South Wales. St Clydog and St Dedyu⁠, sons of that Clydwyn’). Dedyu⁠ appears in two of the other versions as Dettu⁠ and has been identified as the patron saint of Llandetty on the river Usk (WCD 189). A further version of the Brychan Tract, called Llyma Frychan Brycheiniog a’i Blant, calls Clydwyn Glewyn⁠ and Clydog Kyledawc⁠, asserting that the latter was a saint yGhaer Gledawc yn Lloegr⁠ (in Caer Clydog in England) (Guy 2016: ii, 435 (§§B2.2–3)).} was in his kingdom maintaining peace and the rigour of justice,^{2 Rex Clitauc filius Clitguin cum esset in regno suo tenens pacem et rigorem iustitię (While King Clydog son of Clydwyn was in his kingdom maintaining peace and the rigour of justice) This echoes the opening of a charter appended to the Life of St Euddogwy, found elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis: Rex Teudiric cum esset in regno suo tenens pacem cum populo et iustitiam (While King Tewdrig was in his kingdom maintaining peace and justice with his people) (VSOudocei(LL), §14; cf. Davies 2003: 137).} he was made a martyr through virtue and merits and with the crown of heavenly glory together with the palm of bodily chastity.^{3 corona celestis glorię cum palma carnalis castimonię (with the crown of heavenly glory together with the palm of bodily chastity) Here, corona is taken to be in the ablative case, but note that in John of Tynemouth’s version of the Life of St Clydog this phrase is a full sentence ending with the verb decoratus (est), which must take corona as its subject (in the nominative case): VSClitauci(JT), §1.} A certain maiden born of a certain powerful man fell in love with him, saying to those who were enquiring that she would marry no-one except the outstanding man Clydog. Once the girl’s response had been heard and she had rejected everyone, as was her habit, one of the king’s companions, to whom the virgin’s womb was closed, swollen with an evil spirit and with the spirit of womanly passion, and taking as his basis the impurity of audacity and the malice of wantonness, one day during a hunt killed the innocent King Clydog just as if he were a meek lamb, while he was waiting next to the river Monnow to meet the hunters and nonetheless meditating upon the words of holy scripture with the highest devotion. After he had died, the man’s associates and fellow countrymen and the people of the noblest kinship started to take the body away from the place on biers yoked to oxen, and to cross over the ford of the Monnow. And at another part of the river, the yokes of the oxen started to break apart^{4 Et in alia parte fluminis, ceperunt iuga boum dirumpi (And at another part of the river, the yokes of the oxen started to break apart) The role of the oxen in this story is reminiscent of the role of the stags in the story of the death of King Tewdrig in VSOudocei(LL), §14. There, the dying Tewdrig is transported on a bier by two yoked stags, but once they arrive at the place appointed for Tewdrig’s burial, the bier breaks apart: Et postquam ad locum illum uenerunt, ibi fons emanauit lucidissimus, et feretrum suum totum dirupit (And after they came to that place, the clearest spring poured out there, and his whole bier broke apart).} and the oxen stood still, so much so that they could not move the body from that place at all on account of the body’s excessive weight, no matter how often the bands were tied together and innumerable ropes were broken. And just as if a fiery ball were obstructing them, so the oxen would not move a step, however many times the goad was applied to them. And with everyone staring and marvelling, the body remained in the place divinely prepared for it. And straightaway the people gave praise to God on account of the outstanding life that they had seen beforehand in the holy man, and on account of his sanctity, and his end which led to the crown of martyrdom, and after his end the miraculous lightness of his body, and latterly its excessive heaviness and immobility. And on the following night a column of fire^{5 columpa ignis (column of fire) From Exodus 13.21–2; cf. VSSamsonis(LL), §38.} was seen coming out of the tomb after his burial, pleasing to God, and immediately afterwards, upon the advice of the bishop of Llandaff and the clergy, an oratory was established there and blessed by the sprinkling of water in honour of the martyr Clydog. And from that day the place began to be venerated because of the blessed martyr.

§2

One day, two men from Llannerch Las^{6 Lannerch Glas (Llannerch Las) This place has not been identified.} became angry at one another, and said, ‘Let us come to terms and proceed to St Dyfrig’s church at Madley, and together swear an oath on his altar, so that, having forgotten the malice of jealousy and instead entered into an agreement, we may from now on always be firm friends in fraternal peace.’ While they were proceeding on the way to the proposed destination, one said to the other, ‘Let us make our way to that place of the martyr, that is to say Clydog, and to his tomb, in order to shorten our journey but maintain the same plan. And let us come to terms over his tomb, to confirm the peace that will be secured perpetually between us from now on.’ And with the agreement confirmed, one of them, on the return journey, having broken the peace and violated the faith, killed the other by trickery, or rather, killed himself, as it is said: ‘... whosoever contrives to harm another first | will strike himself with his own javelin’.^{7 ... quicunque alium molitur ledere primum | ipsum se iaculo percutiet proprio (... whosoever contrives to harm another first | will strike himself with his own javelin) From Prosper of Aquitaine’s Epigrammata ex sententiis sancti Augustini⁠, Epigram I (Migne 1861: col. 499, ll. 6–7; Davies 2003: 123). As John Reuben Davies notes, the line should be metrical, as is recognised explicitly when it is quoted elsewhere in the Liber Landavensis (LL 244: ut est metrice dictum, ‘as it is said metrically’), but in order for it to form a proper hexameter it must begin correctly with Nam quicunque (Davies 2003: 123, n. 100). Davies also notes that ‘Prosper’s Epigrams were a standard Latin school text, familiar to Anglo-Latin writers’.} And straight after the killing had taken place, and, as I might say, the perjury had too, he pierced himself with his own spear in his belly, the wound leading him to his death; his companion, I say, had already been led to everlasting joy.

§3

After a while, two brothers, Llifio and Gwrfan,^{8 Lybiau et Guruann (Llifio and Gwrfan) Wendy Davies notes that these two men bear the same names as the two bishops involved with the gifts of Llanfihangel Cwm Du to Llandaff (Davies 1979: 114; Gwrfan in LL 167–8 and Llifio in LL 237–9).} and their sister’s son Cinuur, departed from the region of Penychen, leaving their country on account of a feud, and choosing somewhere else to lead an eremitical and solitary life, at the place where the body of the blessed martyr Clydog had been set down on the bank of the river Monnow in Ewias. And there they led their life, and established a church improved by the advice and support of the bishop of Llandaff. And having been given the whole territory of Penbargod^{9 Pennbargaut (Penbargod) Because of the position of this name in the sentence, commentators have previously assumed that it is the name of the rex Morgannuc⁠ who donated the land to the brothers (LL 415; Davies 1978: 75, 89, 176; 1979: 114; WCD 536; implicitly Coe 2002, where the name is not addressed). This is extremely unlikely. No king of Morgannwg by that name is known, and indeed there is no other attestation of ‘Penbargod’ as a personal name. It makes a great deal more sense as a place-name, probably formed from pen (head, end, top) + bargod (edge, border, outskirts), so perhaps ‘head of the border region’ (very appropriately for a territory centred on the river Monnow, much of which still marks the border between England and Wales). Moreover, syntactically the name occurs in exactly the position where one would expect to find the name of the territory being given, according to the usual diplomatic of the charters in the Liber Landavensis: following the verba dispositiva and the information about the grantors and beneficiaries, but immediately before the list of rights and liberties (cf. Davies 1979: 8–9).} on both sides of the Monnow by the king of Morgannwg in eternal consecration, and without the requirement to render any payment to any earthly man, and with complete common use given to those inhabiting the territory of the church now and in the future in field and in woods, in water and in pastures, they led their lives to the end. And the two brothers led a chaste life. Their sister’s son, moreover, begat five sons; for that reason the territory has always remained divided into five for the brothers and their descendants and successors forever.^{10 Charles-Edwards (2013: 305–6) notes that this story was intended to explain both the division of the land attached to the church into five portions and the inability of the men of Ewias (where Merthyr Clydog is situated) to claim the church’s land, since the heirs of the church came from Penychen rather than Ewias.}

§4

Merthyr Clydog.^{11 Merthir Clitauc (Merthyr Clydog) The modern village of Clodock in Herefordshire.}
Ithel son of Morgan, king of Glywysing, with the word of his sons Ffernfael and Meurig and the consent of the hereditary tenants^{12 hereditariorum (hereditary tenants) For the term hereditarius, see Davies 1978: 45. Unlike the heres, who was the hereditary occupier of the land, it would appear ‘that the hereditarius had some responsibility for production within an estate, a responsibility passed on to his heirs, but that he was not necessarily an occupier working the land himself’.} Ithel and Ffreuddwr,^{13 Freudur (Ffreuddwr) Compare Freudubur⁠ in VSTeliaui(LL), §22. The name would appear to be ffrau + dwr, thus ‘flowing water’ (cf. GPC Online s.v. ffrau).} offered to God and Saints Dyfrig, Teilo and Euddogwy and Clydog the martyr and Bishop Berthwyn and all the bishops of Llandaff the whole territory of Merthyr Clydog, just as had been more fittingly given to the martyr Clydog and the three hermits Llifio, Gwrfan and Cinuur, the first inhabitants and cultivators of that place after the martyrdom of Clydog the martyr, and with its entire freedom and complete common use given to the inhabitants and those who will live there in the future in field and in woods, in water and in pastures, and without the requirement to render any payment great or small to any earthly man unless for the church of Llandaff and its bishops in perpetuity, and like an island positioned in the sea, free from every service and without an heir except according to the wish and usage of the bishop of Llandaff and the canons of that same church, and with the right of sanctuary given according to the wish of the fugitive without limit: for however long he should wish to remain, he may remain unharmed under its asylum, as if he were within Llandaff’s protection. From the clergy the witnesses are Bishop Berthwyn, Daian abbot of Llancarfan, Elwaedd abbot of Llanilltud, Sadwrn abbot of Llandochau, Ieuan, Guorcuiidh, Eliwydd, Ili.⁠^{14 Kathleen Hughes noted that two of the names in this clerical witness list, namely Bishop Berthwyn and Sadwrn, abbot of Llandochau, appear together in a witness list to a charter appended to the Vespasian A. xiv Life of St Cadog: Hughes 1980: 62; cf. VSCadoci(Vesp), §67. This Cadog charter is repeated and elaborated at greater length in another part of the Liber Landavensis: LL 180–3; Davies 1979: 110. The Cadog charter and its Liber Landavensis counterpart are compared in Charles-Edwards 2013: 258–9.} From the laity: King Ithel, his sons Ffernfael and Meurig, Ithel and Ffreuddwr the hereditary governors, Elffin, Mabsu, Cynwg, Gaudbiu, Gwynddon, Euddof, Gwaeddnerth. Whosoever would protect it, may God protect him. But he who would separate it from the church of Llandaff, may he be anathema. Amen. Its boundary is: The stone in Y Gwaun Braith [The Speckled Marsh].⁠^{15 i Guoun Breith (Y Gwaun Braith [The Speckled Marsh]) Coe is confident that the general location is the ridge of Hatterrall Hill (Coe 2002: 332–3).} Along the ridge up to Rhiw y Cwrw [Slope of the Beer],⁠^{16 Riu i Curum (Rhiw y Cwrw [Slope of the Beer]) Identified as a slope on the ridge of Hatterrall Hill. Running eastwards down the ridge is a path called Rhiw Arw, at the bottom of which is a ruined cottage called Rhiw Cwrw (Rollason 1974: 58; Coe 2002: 745–6).} to the stone in the ridge of the hill. Along a ridge upwards as far as the stones opposite Nant Trineint [Three-Stream Stream].⁠^{17 Nant Trineint (Nant Trineint [Three-Stream Stream]) Probably located in the vicinity of the three ‘Turnant’ settlement names (LL 374; Rollason 1974: 58–62; Coe 2002: 650–1). Coe points out that the mein (stones) in question might be the cairn above Great Turnant at SO298287. At the same grid reference is a stream with three main tributaries meeting close together, which might be the origin of the name Nant Trineint.} Downwards along it as far as into the Olchon. Along it downwards as far as Ynys Alarun^{18 Ynys Alarun (Ynys Alarun) Ynys might mean ‘river-meadow’ in this context (cf. GPC Online s.v. ynys, b). The meaning of Alarun is unknown (Coe 2002: 898).} at its top end, to Y Maen Tyllog [The Holey Stone], to the hillock, to the other hillock, to the Monnow. Through the Monnow to the mouth of Nant Cwm Cynrhaith [Stream of the Valley of Early Law].⁠^{19 Nant Cum Cinreith (Nant Cwm Cynrhaith [Stream of the Valley of Early Law]) In both the Liber Landavensis (f. 86ra, l. 29) and Vespasian A. xiv (f. 86r, l. 10), this name is glossed .i. Nant Cum, ‘that is Nant Cwm’. The gloss must derive from the common exemplar.} Along the stream as far as Mynydd Fferddun⁠^{20 Minid Ferdun (Mynydd Fferddun) Mynydd means ‘mountain’. For discussion of the form Ferdun, see Coe 2002: 618–19. Evans noted that this must be the hill that local English-speakers called Money Farthing Hill (LL 375, n. 15). The English form agrees with the Liber Landavensis form, suggesting that the /ð/ of Minid came not to be enunciated and that in Ferdun the F was for /f/, the d for /ð/ and the u for /ʉ/. The modern Ordnance Survey form Mynydd Merddin⁠ almost certainly derives from a misunderstanding of the Liber Landavensis form Minid Ferdun⁠, whereby the f (understood to mean /v/ rather than /f/) has been ‘de-mutated’ to m.} upon the hillside. Along Mynydd Fferddun to Y Llwch Fferddun.⁠^{21 di’r Luch Ferdun (to Y Llwch Fferddun) Llwch means ‘lake, pool’. For Ferdun, see the previous note.} Along the mountain as far as the source of the Hilin. Along the Hilin as far as the Monnow. Along the Monnow downwards as far as the mouth of Ffynnon Bist,⁠^{22 Finhaun Bist (Ffynnon Bist) Ffynnon means ‘spring, fountain, well’. Bist might be a lenited form of pyst, the plural form of post (post, pillar, column), but it would be unusual for the Liber Landavensis to spell the lenition. See Coe 2002: 275–6.} as far as its source. From its source to the ridge. Straight upwards to make for Y Gwaun Braith on the ridge of the mountain, as far as the stone where it began.

§5

Ithel son of Æthelberht, a certain powerful man in Ewias, coming accompanied by his wife to St Clydog to hear the divine service on Sunday, was persuaded at the suggestion of the Devil and the goading of wantonness to lie with^{23 concumbere (to lie with) In both the Liber Landavensis and Vespasian A. xiv this word is spelt erroneously as concubere. Later hands have added nasal contraction marks above the u in both manuscripts. Presumably the form concubere was found in the common exemplar. The form was probably produced by overlooking a nasal contraction mark above concumbere. Perhaps the oversight was encouraged by the belief that the text required a third plural form in -ere.} his wife in a certain meadow on the bank of the River Monnow.^{24 In Vespasian A. xiv, §5 and §6 come immediately after §1. Kathleen Hughes and John Reuben Davies deem the latter arrangement to be more natural than the arrangement of the Liber Landavensis, because the post-mortem miracles appear as a group and the formal charter giving the land of Merthyr Clydog to Llandaff appears at the end (Hughes 1980: 61; Davies 2003: 124). Be that as it may, the arrangement of Vespasian A. xiv is less consistent with regard to the chronology of events than that of the Liber Landavensis, for §5 and §6, unlike sections 1–3, record gifts to Clydog and the church of Llandaff together, presupposing the giving of Merthyr Clydog to Llandaff, as occurs in §4. Perhaps, rather, Vespasian A. xiv reveals something of the process by which the Life was compiled; certain sections may have originated as rewritten versions of texts taken from one or more separate sources, which may have been assembled differently in each of the surviving copies of the Life (cf. Davies 2003: 124).} And the result was that, during that same sexual act, when he desired to be separated, having perpetrated the sin, he could in no way be separated from her, but rather he remained joined to his wife inseparably. And he exclaimed in a loud voice, and said to his companions, ‘Go to the tomb of the martyr Clydog and on my behalf above Clydog’s holy altar bestow upon him this meadow, which I had unjustly seized by force, laying your hands in a pledge just as when a gift is given, joined together with other hands on top of the four gospels, which should be positioned beforehand, and so proclaiming it free and quit from every lay service from now on except only from daily prayer, and with a greeting sent from me to the clerics of the church that they might pray earnestly to God on my behalf, so that by the martyr’s intercession and by their prayer I may be delivered promptly from this intolerable sin as well as from this horrible bond’. And straightaway, as soon as the alms had been made and rendered along with a promise to emend his life henceforth by fasting and praying and alms, he was separated from the offensive union in front of all the people, giving praises and thanks to God on account of such an agreeable liberation. And what he had done beforehand through his messengers, that same thing he, now healthy, did for himself, confirming it, with his own hands placed over the altar of the martyr and with the sacred gospels having been positioned beforehand, with both the word of the kings of Morgannwg and the advice of the principal men, without any objection, to be free for Saints Dyfrig, Teilo and Euddogwy and the martyr Clydog and all the bishops of Llandaff in perpetuity.

§6

The sons of Cynfleiddiau offered Llech Llwyd [the Grey Stone] to the martyr Clydog and the church of Llandaff. The boundary of Llechau Llwydion [the Grey Stones]:^{25 Lechou Lition (Llechau Llwydion [Grey Stones]) Curiously, the place-name is given in a singular form in the preceding dispositive clause, but in a plural form at the beginning of the boundary clause.} the Monnow on one side and within the two streams. The boundary of Llennig [Little Church]: within the Monnow and the Monnow as far as their confluence. Llech Eneuris on the other side towards the northern region.