§1

Marthin Sant⁠^{1 Marthin Sant Marthin is an early borrowing from the Latin Martīnus, as indicated by the phonetic change ‘-rt-’ > ‘-rth-’. It would also be expected that the ‘a’ sound would have changed to ‘e’ through i-affection; however, the a may have been retained due to conservatism and under the influence of the Latin form of the name in written sources. (See Lewis 1943: 2, 21, 27; Jackson 1953: 570–1, 616–17.) Marthin is the form of the saint’s name regularly used in this Life. It is also the form most commonly used in the concise version of his Life preserved in Llst 34, though he is called Sant Martin at the beginning of that text. This spelling (Martin) might reflect the spelling of the written source (perhaps a Latin sermon; see Grosjean 1937: 346). Doubtless the influence of English would have encouraged the spread of the form Martin more generally within Wales, but even so, it appears that Marthin was the most commonly used form of the saint’s name in Welsh-language texts until the end of the Middle Ages (Day 2017: 19). The place-name Llanfarthin – the parish within whose borders the longer Life was probably written – would have helped to secure the status of Marthin as the standard form of the saint’s name in the north, and the north-east especially (see the Introduction). In this context it is interesting that the earliest copies of the Welsh Life of St David, which are of southern origin, note the importance of Martin as the patron saint or evangelist of France (WLSD 11.11–12; BDe 18.8), whilst the later, northern versions in Pen 27ii and Llst 34 agree that his name is Marthin (BDewi §23; Llst 34, 283 (l. 27), and on the manuscripts’ origin, see BDewi: Manuscripts).
On St Martin and his Lives, see further the Introduction, and for other references to him and a discussion of his cult in medieval Wales, see Day 2017.} oedd esgob a chonffesor^{2 conffesor Though used most often today of a priest who listens to others confessing their sins, appoints penance and grants absolution, this word was used in the early Church to denote a person who suffered as a result of confessing his or her own faith (though not to the extent of martyrdom); later it was used more loosely to denote someone who was considered particularly holy (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. conffesor; ODCC 398).} i Grist ac a hanoedd o Sabaria,^{3 Sabaria⁠ Sabaria or Savaria was the capital of Pannonia Prima (OCD 1075, and see n. 4 below); the city of Szombathely, now in Hungary, developed on the same site.} vn o ddinessydd gwlad Panonia,^{4 Panonia Pannonia was a Roman province founded in AD 9 and lying to the south-west of the Danube. Following the annexation of Dacia in AD 106 it was divided into two provinces, Pannonia Superior in the west and Pannonia Inferior in the east. Each was divided again during the reign of the Emperor Diocletian, and the northern part of Pannonia Superior was named Pannonia Prima; it was in the capital of this region that Martin was born. The existence of Pannonia as a province seems to have come to an end in 405, when many Romans fled following an incursion by Radagaisus and the Ostrogoths (OCD 1075).} ac yn yr Eidal Tisin⁠^{5 yn yr Eidal Tisin Ticinum was a city in northern Italy, now known as Pavia (OCD 1480). Compare SSVM §2(1) intra Italiam Ticini ‘within Italy, in Pavia.’ The translator Siôn Trefor appears to have understood the two proper nouns as a single place-name.} i magwyd ef. A’i rieni ef, hagen, yr yw^{6 yw On yw, a form of the third person plural prefixed possessive pronoun; see GMW 53; PKM 235; for other instances in the Life see §5 heb yw noethi e hvn; §19 rhac yw pelled i wrtho; §36 yn yw dywedud. The form ev is generally used in this text, however (e.g. §3 i roddi ev llw a’i henwav i vod yn varchogion yn lle ev tadav; §5 a vv well ev synnwyr), and yw (y’w in the edited text) often represents the preposition i + the singular or plural infixed possessive pronoun (e.g. §5 Dim nid oedd y’w roddi; §8 Ac ef a roddes roddion y’w varchogion).} bod yn beganiaid annffyddlon yr oeddynt yn anrrydeddus o vrddas bydol, canis i dad yn gyntaf a vv varchoc vrddol vrddassol, a gwedy hynny yn gapten ar varchogion. Yntav Marthin yn i ievengtid a ymarverodd o ddwyn arvav dan Gonstans⁠^{7 Constans SSVM §2(2) Constantio. The Emperor Constantius II was the third son of Constantine the Great (Constantine I). He was appointed Caesar when he was seven years old, in 324, and became Augustus in the east following the death of his father in 337. He died in 361 on his way to oppose a challenge by Julian (OCD 366, and on Julian, see n. 9 below).} amerod^{8 amerod See GPC Ar Lein s.v. amherawdr, amerawdwr, where examples of a similar form (amherod) are quoted, dating from 1672 and 1762.} Rhuvain, ac wedy hynny dan Sulianvs Sissar;^{9 Sulianvs Sissar SSVM §2(2) Iuliano Caesare. The Emperor Julian (‘the Apostate’), born in 331, was the son of a half-brother of Constantine the Great (Constantine I), namely Julius Constantius. Following his father’s death he was placed in the care of an Arian bishop (on Arianism, see n. 44), but he later turned to paganism. Julian was appointed Caesar of Britain and Gaul by his cousin, the Emperor Constantius II (see n. 7), in 355. There was discord between the two in 360 when Julian’s soldiers proclaimed him Augustus, but when Constantius II died in 361 Julian succeeded him unopposed. Julian died in 363 after being wounded in battle (OCD 778).The Life refers to Julian again in its account of how Martin left the army (§8). In this section a similar spelling, Sulianvs Sisar, is used three times and there are two instances of the contracted form Sulivsisar.} nid o’i vodd, kanis o’i vabolaeth rhybucho gwasanaethv Duw yr oedd.

§2

A phann oedd ddec blwydd o oedran ef a aeth y’r eglwys o anvodd i rieni i geisio bedydd. Ac yn anrhyvedd yr awr honno ef a droes i veddwl mewn gweithredoedd Duw yn gymin a chwynychv ohono vyned y’r diffaith i benydio i gorff yn i ddevddengmlwydd. Ac ef a wnaeth ar hynny eddvned ddigon kadarn, pe i oedran nis llesteiriai. Eisioes yn i vabolaeth veddwl yr oedd a’i vryd ar vynachlogoedd ac eglwysi, yr hynn a gwplaodd yn ddwyvol gwedy hynny.

§3

A phann ddoeth gorchy[my]n^{1 gorchy[my]n LlGC 3026C gorch:, with ynvn at the beginning of the next line. The scribe may have written the first n because he anticipated the one at the end of the word (cf. §29 kystynogion for kristynogion), or there may have been an issue with counting minims (cf. the instances noted in n. 42 (textual)). No similar variant form is noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. gorchymyn⁠1 (nor gorchymyn⁠2), and the usual form of the noun and verbal noun, gorchymyn, occurs in six other places in the Life (§14, §40, §43, §44 (twice), §48; cf. also [g]or[c]hymyn in §38 (LlGC 3026C orthymyn)). The later copy in BL Add 14967 (129v, col. 1 (ll. 31–2)) has gorchym/vn, its scribe apparently having partially corrected the reading he saw in LlGC 3026C.} i wrth y brenhinoedd i bawb o veibion yr hen varchog-vrddolion^{10 marchog-vrddolion The expected plural form would be marchogion vrddol(ion), but the plural ending was placed on the adjective alone as if this were one word rather than two, and there is no space between the noun and adjective in Gutun Owain’s text (nor in BL Add 14967, 129r, col. 1 (ll. 33–4)).} ddyvod i roddi ev llw a’i henwav i vod yn varchogion yn lle ev tadav (a thrwy gyhudd i dad ef oedd hynny, yr hwnn oedd yn kenvigennv wrth weithredoedd da Marthin), i vab yna a ddalpwyd^{11 (a thrwy gyhudd i dad ef oedd hynny, yr hwnn oedd yn kenvigennv wrth weithredoedd da Marthin), i vab yna a ddalpwyd The two dots that precede the name Marthin in LlGC 3026C might suggest that the scribe Gutun Owain took this to be the beginning of a new clause or sentence. However, though reading on from Marthin i vab... does give good sense if the preceding words are ignored, punctuating in this way would prohibit a meaningful reading of the passage as a whole (compare n. 40). The sentence structure is quite complex here, reflecting that of the corresponding section of the Latin Life (see SSVM §2(5)), so it would not be surprising if this caused some confusion on the part of the scribe.} yn bymthengmlwydd o oedran a thrwy garchar mewn heyrn ef a gymhellwyd i vod yn varchoc vrddol. A bodlon vv ef ar vn gwasanaethwr, ac i hwnnw yn y gorthwyneb i gwnai y meistr y gwasanaeth, yn gymin ac i tynnai i am i draed a sychv i esgidiav. A’r vnrhyw vwyd a lewynt.

§4

Tair blynedd agos kynn i vedyddio y bu yn ymddwyn arvav. Yr hynny, yr oedd ef yn lan o’r beiav, y rhai y byddai i genedl^{12 i genedl Compare SSVM §2(6) illud hominum genus ‘men of that sort’, referring to soldiers as a category. The meaning is not so clear in the Welsh text, where i genedl could denote Martin’s fellow soldiers, his compatriots or his kindred (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. cenedl).} yn ymarver ohonvnt. Mawr oedd i gariad a’i ddaioni ymysc i gyd-varchogion; anwydus^{13 anwydus See GPC Ar Lein s.v. anwydus⁠3, where the word is derived from the negative prefix an-1 + gwydus ‘vicious, bad, sinful, corrupt’, &c., citing this instance from the Life of Martin as the only example. The tentative definition ‘?patient’ is given, presumably on the basis of SSVM §2(7) patientia. However, bearing in mind the meaning of gwydus, it is possible that anwydus was understood to mean something more akin to ‘without sin’ or ‘good’.} ac vvydd oedd yn rhagorol rhac neb, val y tybygid i vod ef yn vynach yn gynt noc yn varchoc vrddol. Ac ar y pethav hynn ef a dynodd atto gariad i gyd-varchogion hyd pann wnent i vrddassu ef yn anrhyvedd. Ac yr nad oedd ef wedy’r^{14 wedy’r That is, wedy + the preverbal particle yr (a form of rhy); see GPC Ar Lein s.v. yr⁠3. On the use of yr before a verbal noun, omitting the pronoun that represents the ‘object’, and with the particle itself causing lenition, see GMW 169.} vedyddio ef a wnai weithredoedd da val dyn bedyddiol, nid amgen kynorthwyo lluddedigion, helpio rhevdusion, porthi newynoc a dilladv noethion heb gadw dim o’i gyfloc iddo e hvn^{15 e hvn Usually in this text the prefixed third person possessive prounouns are represented by i (singular, ‘his’ and ‘her’) and ev (plural, ‘their’); however, both the singular and plural forms are generally written as e when they precede the reflexive pronouns hvn and hvnain. There are 12 instances of e in this context (e hvn in §4, §5, §10, §12, §29 (twice), §35, §36, §39, §40 and §44, and e hvnain in §23), and just two instances of i (§23, §48 i hvn). This probably reflects the strong accent on hvn(-) in the spoken language. There are two instances in the text of ehvn written as one word; cf. the forms ehun, ehunain noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. hun⁠2 and hunan.} eithr i vywyd dyniol. Nid gwrandawr byddar oedd ar yr evengil, heb goffav drannoeth yr hynn a glowsai, namyn koffav pob peth a wnai ef a’i kadw yn i gof.

§5

Ac val yr oedd ef ynghanol y gaiaf ar ddrykin mawr yn dyvod i ddinas Amias,^{16 dinas Amias The city of Amiens in northern France (cf. SSVM §3(1) Ambianensium civitatis). An oratory was built near one of the gates of Amiens in commemoration of Martin’s act of charity (Farmer 1991: 14; Van Dam 1993: 215 (Libri de virtutibus sancti Martini episcopi, I.17)); see further n. 17.} heb ddim amdano eithyr mantell^{17 mantell ‘Martin’s cloak’ was regarded as an important relic. It was in the possession of the Merovingian kings by the end of the seventh century and later passed to the Carolingians; oaths would be sworn upon it and it was believed to protect the kings in battle (Farmer 1991: 30; Van Dam 1993: 26–7 and ibid. n75). It was from Martin’s ‘little cloak’ (capella) that the Welsh word capel and the corresponding words in English (chapel) and other European languages were derived (Jones 1992: 100; Farmer 1991: 26). Martin’s act of generosity, giving half his cloak to the beggar, became an important part of his iconography, depicted for example in some medieval English wall-paintings, the earliest being at Wareham, Dorset (Rouse 1991: 48, 50; Rosewell 2008: 69). It is also mentioned in a poem by Huw ap Dafydd in praise of Siôn Trefor of Wiggington (grandson of the Siôn Trefor who translated the saint’s Life): Mur a thangadwyn, Marthin godiad, / ’Mryd ei ddull am roi dy ddillad ‘Defender and supporter, of Martin’s nurture, / with a resolve to emulate him in giving your clothing’ (GHD 27.53–4).} ar vchaf i arvav,^{18 arvav The plural noun arfau can mean either ‘weapons’ or ‘armour’ (GPC Ar Lein s.v. arf 1(a) and (b); the corresponding Latin word arma has a similar range of meaning, see LD s.v. arma A.1. ‘What is fitted to the body for its protection’ and B. ‘Implements of war, arms’). The word arvav is used twice in this section of the Welsh Life. The first instance may encompass both meanings, but ‘armour’ seems more appropriate for the second, as Martin’s arvav are described as being protected (cadw) by his cloak.} ef a weles wr tlawd noeth^{19 noeth Noeth can mean ‘ill-clad’ as well as ‘naked’ (see GPC Ar Lein) and the former seems more likely here. Similarly, the corresponding word in the Latin text, nudus (SSVM §3(1) nudum), can mean either ‘naked’ or ‘destitute’ (LD s.v. nudus; cf. DMLBS).} yn govyn kardod, a phawb yn myned i heibio^{20 a phawb yn myned i heibio The i before heibio is unexpected; is this the third person singular possessive pronoun (Modern Welsh ‘ei’)? No such construction is mentioned, however, in GPC Ar Lein s.v. heibio. If the meaning intended is ‘by him’, the usual construction would be heibio iddaw. Alternatively, perhaps only ‘by’ (heibio) was intended, with the i having entered the text as a copying error.} heb roddi dim iddo. Marthin a veddyliodd, val yr oedd ef yn gyflawn o ras Duw, pan yw kadw hwnn yr oeddid iddo vo i roddi kardod iddo, gann vod pawb yn myned heibio heb roddi dim. Ac ni wyddiad yntav pa wnai. Dim nid oedd y’w roddi eithyr y vantell oedd yn cadw i arvav,^{21 y vantell oedd yn cadw i arvav The plural noun arvav probably denotes armour here (see n. 18). If Siôn Trefor had metal armour in mind, perhaps he envisaged that the cloak protected it from being damaged by the weather, especially rain and snow; cf. ar ddrykin mawr ‘in very bad weather’, at the start of this section. The corresponding passage in the Vita mentions the cloak only: nihil praeter chlamydem qua indutus erat habebat ‘He had nothing but the cloak with which he was clad’ (SSVM §3(2)). This chlamys was probably a military cloak forming part of the ‘simple military dress’ (simplex militiae vestis) which is mentioned along with Martin’s armaments (arma) at the start of this episode: cum iam nihil praeter arma et simplicem militiae vestem haberet (SSVM §3(1)). The corresponding passage in the Welsh Life similarly notes that these were his only garments but, unlike the Vita, refers specifically to the fact that the cloak was worn over (ar vchaf) the armour: heb ddim amdano eithyr mantell ar vchaf i arvav. This same detail is also mentioned in the short version of Martin’s Life in Llst 34 (321 (ll. 18–20), nid oeḍ dim am Varthin ar y arfeü namyn manteḷ ‘Martin wore only a cloak over his armaments’, though the wording here is different.} kanys y kwbyl ond hynny a roddasai yn alusenav. Ef a dynnodd i gleddyf ac a rannodd y vantell rhyngtho ef a’r tlawd, ac yntav a wisgodd i hanner hi amdano. A llawer ar a^{22 ar a On this construction, see GMW 70; GPC Ar Lein s.v. ar⁠2, and cf. below, §18 A phawb ar a oedd yno a’i klywynt ef; §42 a phawb ar a’i darlleo yn anffyddlon a becha.} welsant hynny a’i gwatwarasant ef am ddryked llvn i drwsiad; eraill, a vv well ev synnwyr a’i kydwybod, a vv drist ganthvnt nad yntwy a wnaethoedd y gardod honno, ac wynt a digon ganthvnt o ddilladav y’w rhoddi y’r tlawd heb yw noethi e hvn.

§6

A’r nos honno ef a welai Varthin drwy i hvn yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist wedy wisgo^{23 wedy wisgo (Cf. BL Add 14967, 129v, col. 1 (l. 15) gwedi wisgo.) (G)wedy does not usually cause mutation of a verbal noun that follows it; see TC 162–3, and cf., e.g., §9 A gwedy gado i vilyriaeth. Possibly the preverbal particle y(r), a form of rhy (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. yr⁠3; GMW 169, and n. 14 above) was present after wedy in the source text and accidentally omitted. Alternatively, wedy might be a contraction of wedy + the third person singular masculine possessive pronoun y or i (cf. §18 gwedy gladdu and the other instances noted in n. 67). If this latter interpretation is correct, it must be supposed that confusion arose over the syntax, because there is no need for a possessive pronoun in the clause as it stands (ef a welai Varthin … yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist wedy wisgo dryll y vantell … amdano ef ‘Martin saw the Lord Jesus Christ wearing the piece of the cloak’). Perhaps, as he wrote, the scribe Gutun Owain wrongly anticipated that the construction was going to be wedy(’i) wisgo yn nryll y vantell ‘dressed in the piece of the cloak’ and began to write this before returning to the reading in his source, but without going back to correct his mistake.} dryll y vantell a roddasai Varthin y’r tlawd amdano ef, ac ef a’i klywai yn erchi iddo edrych yn hysbys y wisc a roddasai. A heb ohir ef a glywai yr Arglwydd yn dywedud wrth aneirif o engylion a oeddynt yn sevyll gar i law ef, ‘Marthin, y gwr sydd heb vedyddio etto, a’m trwsiodd i o’r wisc honn’, kanis yr Arglwydd oedd gof gantho y geiriav a ddywedasei yn yr evengyl: ‘Pann wneloch les y’r lleiaf o’r mav vi, i mi y gwnaethoch.’^{24 ‘ Pann wneloch les y’r lleiaf o’r mav vi, i mi y gwnaethoch.’ Cf. Matthew 25.40 ‘ “… just as you did it to one of the least of these who are members of my family, you did it to me.” ’} Ac i gadarnhav tystiolaeth o weithred gystal a hi, y bu wiw gan yr Arglwydd ymddanngos yn yr vnrhyw wisc a roddasai Varthin y’r tlawd. Pann weles Marthin y weledigaeth honn nid balchav a oruc mewn llywenydd dyniol namyn kyvadnabod daioni Duw yn i weithredoedd.

§7

A phann oedd ef ddwyvlwydd ar hugain^{25 dwyvlwydd ar hugain Contrast SSVM §3(5) duodeviginti ‘eighteen’. Though favouring this younger age as the correct one, Fontaine (1967–9: 500) notes that there is some disagreement in the manuscript tradition of the Latin Life over Martin’s age at the time of his baptism, with both eighteen and twenty-two being given in different manuscripts (see the apparatus, ibid. 258). It is possible therefore that Siôn Trefor was simply following his source when he wrote that Martin was twenty-two. On the other hand, misinterpreting duodeviginti as dwyvlwydd ar hugain would have been an easy mistake to make if the Latin word were assumed to mean that two was being added to twenty (a common practice in the Welsh counting system, as in dwyvlwydd ar hugain, literally ‘two years upon twenty’) rather than being subtracted.} o oedran y bedyddiwd^{2 bedyddiwd LlGC 3026C bedyddiwd; BL Add 14967, 129v, col. 1 (l. 38) bedyddwyd. The reading of the earlier manuscript is retained since it is possible that the -wd is a variant form of -wyd, perhaps reflecting the influence of the spoken language (see Rodway 2013: 142–4). Another possibility is that the scribe simply omitted the y from the text in LlGC 3026C because of a lack of space or a lapse in concentration as he approached the end of the line.} ef. Ac yr hynny nid adewis ef i vilyriaeth yr awr honno yr mwyn i gapten, yr hwnn yr oedd gydymddeithas vawr y rhyngo^{26 y rhyngo A non-standard or erroneous form of the third person singular masculine preposition y-ryngthaw or rhyngddo, not noted in GMW 59 or GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhwng. The more usual form, rhyngtho, is used elsewhere in the text (§§5, 19, 20, 38).} ac ef. Eithr pann ddarffai^{27 darffai A third person singular imperfect subjunctive form of the verb darfod; see GMW 146.} ysbaid i gapteniaeth, Marthin a eddewis ymado a’r byd. Ac velly i bu ef agos i ddwy vlynedd wedy i vedyddio yn dwyn henw marchoc.^{28 yn dwyn henw marchoc The Vita makes the profound nature of Martin’s conversion much clearer, explaining that he served as a soldier in name only after his baptism (SSVM §3(5) solo licet nomine.}

§8

Ac yn hynny o amser y doeth i Ffraingk genedlaethav dieithr i ryvelu, ac yna kynnvll a oruc y Sulianvs Sisar hwnw lu mawr yn ninas Vangion.^{29 dinas Vangion SSVM §4(1) Vangionum civitatem. The territory of the Vangiones was located to the west of the upper reaches of the Rhine; their name was also applied to their capital, Worms (SSVM 165).} Ac ef a roddes roddion y’w varchogion, val yr oedd ddevod, a galw pawb yno olynol oni ddoethpwyd ar Varthin. Yna y gweles yntav ar i vryd amser kymesurol i gael i ryddhav o’i vilyriaeth. Ac ef a veddyliodd nad oedd deilwng iddo gymryd rhodd onid ymladdai, ac yna y dyvod^{30 dyvod This is the spelling regularly used in this text for both the third person singular preterite form of the verb dywedud and the verbal noun dyfod (‘to come’); cf. BDewi n. 10.} wrth Sulianvs Sisar, ‘Mi a ryvelais gyd a thi; goddef ym bellach ryvelu gyd a Duw, a rhoddion kymered y neb a ymladdo.’ A Sulivsisar⁠^{31 Sulivsisar A contracted form of the name Sulianvs Sissar (see n. 9).} a gyffroes yn vawr gan y geiriav hynn, ac a ddyvod wrth Varthin nad oblegid krevydd a dwyvolder yr oedd ef yn hynny^{32 yn hynny Hynny ‘that’ is understood as referring to the intention that Martin has just expressed. The translation ‘thus resolved’ is not included amongst the meanings of the combination yn hynny in GPC Ar Lein s.v. yn⁠1, but cf. ibid. (iii) ‘thus engaged’.} namyn rhac ofn myned y’r vatel a vyddai dranoeth. Ac yna i dyvod Marthin wrtho yn ddwys, ‘Diofnoc oblegid llyfrder wyf vi. Ac od wyt ti yn tybio vy mod i yn llwfr, evory mi a safaf rhwng y ddav lu heb arvav y’m kylch, yn enw yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist, heb darian ond arwydd y groc. A mi a af drwy yr holl elynion yn ddiargyhoedd.’^{33 diargyhoedd This is understood as a variant form of diargywedd ‘unhurt, unharmed, unscathed’, following BSM 4n13, where it is compared to securus (SSVM §4(5)), and GPC Ar Lein s.v. diargywedd. However, the meanings given in the entry for diargyhoedd⁠1 in GPC Ar Lein, which include ‘blameless’, ‘irreproachable’ and ‘undefiled’, would not be inappropriate in the context, and it is possible that this is how the word was interpreted by some readers or listeners.} Ac yna y gorchmynnodd Sulianvs Sisar garcharv Marthin oni gwplai a ddywedasai. A thrannoeth yr anvones y gelynion at Sulivsisar i geisio heddwch ac i ymroddi iddo. A phwy a veddyliai na bai y gorvoledd hwnn yr mwyn y gwr bendigedic a eddowsai vyned heb arvav y mysc y llu? Ac yr gallu o Dduw gadw i wasanaethwr rhac kleddyvav a dartiav, rhag kael o eraill ev marvolaeth yr ystopies^{34 ystopies According to GPC Ar Lein s.v. stopiaf: stopio, &c., this is the earliest instance of this loan-word, from the Middle English (to) stop(pe).} Duw y rhyvel. Ac ni vynnodd Duw roddi amgen varvolaeth y dros i varchoc ef, ond gorvod ar y gelynion heb golli dim gwaed.

§9

A gwedy gado i vilyriaeth, ef aeth Marthin at Ilar Sant,^{35 Ilar Sant St Hilarius (SSVM §5(1) sanctum Hilarium) or St Hilary of Poitiers (c.315–67/8). Like St Martin, he was not raised as a Christian but converted to the faith; elected bishop of Poitiers c.350, he subsequently became one of the most prominent opponents of Arianism (ODCC 774, and see below, §12 and n. 44). It is likely that he is the same Ilar who is mentioned by Welsh poets and to whom a church is dedicated in Llanilar, Ceredigion (see GGLl 6.52n).} esgob Putanesis,^{36 esgob Putanesis SSVM §5(1) Pictavae episcopum civitatis ‘bishop of Poitiers’. Poitiers was the Roman capital of Poitou, the territory of the Pictones, and later became the seat of the diocese that included this entire region (ODMA s.n. Poitiers and Poitou). Poitou became famous for its wine and is mentioned in this context in Welsh poetry from Siôn Trefor’s time, e.g. GG.net 4.37–8 Cwrw iach o frig ceirch y fro / Yw’n Powtwn, fal gwin Paitio ‘Good ale made from the ears of oats from our region / is our Poton, like the wine of Poitou’ (see also GPC Ar Lein s.v. gwin… gwin Poetio).The city of Poitiers is called Putayn yn §48. This suggests that Putanesis should perhaps be read Putane[n]sis (cf. BSM 5.11) since it appears that the Latin ending -ensis may have been added to the place-name, Puta(y)n, to form an adjective with the meaning ‘from Poitiers, Poitevin’. Note also that the people of Poitou are referred to as Pataniaid or Pictaniaid in §§48–9 (see n. 153). It appears that some of these names (Putayn, Putanesis, Pataniaid) may have been influenced by the place-names Poitiers or Poitou (compare Guto’r Glyn’s Paitio in the poem quoted above), or perhaps by the French word Poitevin ‘native or inhabitant of Poitiers or Poitou’ which had been borrowed into English by 1483 (see OED Online s.v. Poitevin).} ac yno i trigodd ennyd. A’r vn Ilar hwnnw a geisiodd i rwymo ef yno val y gallai drigo gyd ac ef yno i wasanaethv Duw. Ef a ddamvnodd arno vod yn ddiagon, a^{37 a For a(c) ‘with adversative force’, corresponding to ‘but, yet, although’ rather than the usual ‘and’, see GMW 231; GPC Ar Lein s.v. a⁠5 , ac. Cf., e.g., §9 Ef a ddamvnodd arno vod yn ddiagon, a Marthin a ymesgusodes nad oedd ef deilwng yr radd honno ‘He wished him to be a deacon, but Martin made the excuse that he did not deserve that position’; §16 y keisiwyd y gan Varthin vyned yn esgob Turwyn, ac ni ddevai ef o’i vodd ‘Martin was asked to become bishop of Tours, but he would not come willingly to be a bishop’; §18 A phawb ar a oedd yno a’i klywynt ef yn dywedud, ac ni welynt ddim ohono ‘And everyone who was there heard him speaking, though they did not see him.’} Marthin a ymesgusodes nad oedd ef deilwng yr radd honno ac ni vynnodd namyn i wnevthur yn ysgolhaic dwfr swyn.^{38 ysgolhaic dwfr swyn SSVM §5(2) exorcistam. The office of exorcist was the second of the minor orders, though exorcism itself, that is, casting out evil spirits, was not confined to any particular order (ODCC 592 s.v. exorcist). Holy water (dwfr swyn) was used as part of the rite. Exorcism was not only carried out for the deliverance of those believed to be possessed; it was also part of the usual preparations for baptism (ibid. s.v. exorcism). In Martin’s case the role of exorcist was particularly appropriate as his Life refers to the many new converts baptized by him or because of him (see §14, §25 and especially §29) and includes several descriptions of him casting out demons (§§25–7; cf. also §43). See also the references in §§11, 36–9, 45 and 50 to his ability to perceive demons or the Devil and to resist their power; and see further Stancliffe 1983: 154, 345; Brown 1981: 106–13.} A’r ordr honno nis gwrthodes, rhac gwybod i vod yn i distyrv achos i bod yn is no’r llall.

§10

Ac ychydic o amser wedy hynny, ef a erchid iddo drwy i hvn vyned i ymwel^{39 ymwel This is noted as a variant form of the verbal noun ymweled, ymweld in GPC Ar Lein. One of the more usual forms, ymweled, is used later in the Life (§40).} a’i wlad ac a’i dad a’i vam, y rhai a oeddynt beganiaid anffyddlon. Ac velly, drwy ganiad Ilar Sant, yr hwnn oedd dan wylo yn ervyn iddo vrysio drychefn adref yno, Marthin⁠^{40 Marthin The large, ornate M gives the impression that this word, which occurs at the beginning of a new page, also begins an important new section of the Life, though it is in fact in the middle of a sentence. Even so, if the text is read from this point on, without consulting the previous page, it does make sense (cf. n. 11), and it would not be inappropriate to begin a new section of the Life with Martin setting out on his travels.} a gymerth i siwrnei drwy dristwch a thrymder, ac ef a dystiolaethodd wrth i vrodyr y kaffai ef lawer o vlinder a gwrthnebedd yn y bererindod honno, yr hynn a vv brovedig gwedy hynny. Yn gyntaf, rhwng yr Alpes⁠^{41 yr Alpes The Alps, a mountain range to the north of the Italian peninsula. Siôn Trefor has used the same word as the Latin Life (SSVM §5(4) Alpes; cf. the instances in ‘Delw y Byd’, DB 24.1, 28.7) rather than the Welsh name Mynydd Mynnau (on which, see Williams 1956–8).} ac yno ef aeth ar gyfeiliorn. A lladron a’i daliasant ef ac vn onaddvnt a geisiodd i daro ef ar i benn a bwyall; arvev y lleidr arall a erbyniodd y dyrnod. A hwynt a rwymasant i ddwylo darch i gefn^{42 darch i gefn A form of trachefn in which the two elements of the word are separated and the third person singular masculine prefixed pronoun placed between them; see GMW 210 and the variants trachgefn, trach cefn … drach cefn in GPC Ar Lein s.v. trachefn. Though no form beginning tarch- or darch- is noted in GPC Ar Lein (or GMW 210), it is preferable to consider darch i gefn as a variant form rather than an error. There are other instances of transposing r and a vowel, e.g. dyrchafaf / drychafaf, dyrchafiad / drychafiad (GPC Ar Lein, s.v.), and the form darchefn may be found in other texts from the fifteenth century onwards; see, e.g., Pen 33, 75 (ll. 12–13) o iaỽnder nẏt ẏmhoelant darchefẏn (c.1400–c.1450, quoted from RhyddGym 1300–1425), Pen 163 ii, 55 (l. 16) A duw a ddichin i drychaf hwynt darchefn (1543, quoted from Willis a Mittendorf 2004); Smyth 1611: 65 yn r’un moḍ y mae ef ḍarchefn. Contrast drach i gefn in the later copy of the Life in BL Add 14967 (130r, col. 2 (l. 7)).} ac a’i rhoddant y’w gadw att vn onaddvnt. A phann aeth hwnnw ac ef ymhell oddyno, govyn a oruc pwy oedd. ‘Marthin,’ heb ef, ‘wyf, a Christion wyf vi.’ ‘A oes arnad ti ofn?’ heb y lleidr. Marthin a ddyvod yn hyf wrtho na buasai yrioed sikrach na diogelach, kanis ef a wyddiad vod trvgaredd Duw yn vawr, ac yn enwedic mewn provedigaethav a blinder. ‘Eithr mwy,’ heb ef, ‘yw vy ofn i dy vod ti ynghyvyrgoll am dy vod yn lladratta, ac yn anheilwng i gael trvgaredd Grist.’ A phregethv a wnaeth Marthin iddo o eiriav yr evengyl, a’r lleidr yna a droes y’r ffydd ac a gredodd i Grist. Ac ef a dduc Marthin y’w ffordd e hvn yn rhydd, gan adolwc iddo weddio drosto. Ac ef a vv y lleidr wr da santaidd o hynny allan.

§11

Ac yn yr vn hynt honno, pann aeth Marthin heb law Melan,^{43 Melan The city of Milan in northern Italy (SSVM §6(1) Mediolanum); Burton (SSVM 181) notes that this was the ‘effective capital of the western empire in the fourth century’. Martin’s founding of a monastery there is mentioned in §12 (see also §48, §51).} y kyvarvv y Kythrel ac ef ar vodd dyn bydol. A govyn iddo pa le yr ai a oruc y Kythrel. Marthin a ddyvod pan yw y’r lle i mynnai Dduw i alw. Y Kythrel a ddyvod, ‘Pa le bynnac yr elych, diawl a vo gorthwyneb ytt!’ Marth[in]^{3 Marth[in] LlGC 3026C Marth. There are no other instances of abbreviating Martin’s name in this text. Contrast BL Add 14967, 130r, col. 2 (l. 36) Marthin.} a’i hatebodd^{4 hatebodd LlGC 3026C 40, col. 2 (ll. 7–8) hateb, and odd at the beginning of the next line, without the mark (:) which usually indicates that a word has been divided. There are several other instances of omitting this mark on this same page in the manuscript, namely di/nas (col. 2, ll. 24–5), vy/nachlog (ibid. ll. 30–1), and ty/wysoc (ll. 31–2)), and there are numerous instances elsewhere in the text; no further attention is paid to these in the notes.} o lef broffwydol, ‘Yr Arglwydd,’ heb [ef]^{5 heb [ef] LlGC 3026C heb. The pronoun ef ‘he’ has been supplied since heb ‘said’ is usually followed by either a noun or pronoun (cf. BSM 6.24). Cf. BL Add 14967, 130r, col. 2 (l. 37) heb ef.} ‘y sydd help ym, ac nid ofnaf a wnel dyn.’ Ac ar hynny y gelyn a giliodd yn ddisyvyd o’i olwc ef. A phann ddoeth y’w wlad att i rieni i vam a droes ef y’r ffydd, a llawer o rai eraill; i dad ef a drigodd yn i ddrygioni.

§12

Gwedy hynny, pann gyvodes Lolardiaeth Ariana^{44 Lolardiaeth Ariana The words chosen here by Siôn Trefor are interesting; contrast SSVM §6(4) haeresis Arriana ‘the Arian heresy’. Adherents of Arianism, named after its founder, Arius (d. 336), believed that Christ was not fully divine and eternal in nature but had instead been specially created by God (ODCC 100–1, 105; see also SSVM 178–9). The Welsh word Lolardiaeth, taken at face value, would seem to refer to Lollardy or Lollardism, a completely different movement. Lollard, from which Welsh Lolardiaeth is derived, was a name used for a follower of John Wycliffe (c.1330–84) or for one who professed similar ideas concerning the importance of personal faith as opposed to the authority of the Church; later, however, the term ‘Lollard’ came to be used loosely for anyone who challenged the doctrine or authority of the Church (ODCC 999). There is no other instance of the Welsh word Lolardiaeth before the eighteenth century according to GPC Ar Lein, but, as reflected in the definitions, ibid., the context in the Welsh Life of Martin demonstrates that here the word is used in the wide sense of ‘heresy’; cf. the two references to Lolardiaid ‘“Lollards”, heretics’ in the same section, below, where the Latin Life has haereticorum and Arianorum (SSVM §6(4)), and note that this same word is even used to refer to pagans in §20 (compare SSVM §13(1)) gentilium turba ‘the pagan crew’). Compare also the use of the terms Lolart and Lolardiaid in a derogatory sense by two fifteenth-century poets, Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn and Hywel Swrdwal: GDLl 16.17–18 N’aded, â’i ddewred â’i ddart, / Lili yng ngardd un Lolart ‘may he not spare, with his courage and his spear, / any lily in any Lollard’s garden’; GHS 7.21–2 Lolardiaid, traeturiaid hen / Ŷnt erioed, ânt i’r wden! ‘always they have been Lollards, inveterate traitors, / they will go to the hangman’s noose!’.} drwy’r byd, ac yn enwedic o vewn Ilarikwm,^{45 Ilarikwm SSVM §6(4) Illyricum, the Roman name for the territory of the Indo-European Illyrians, beyond the Adriatic. It became part of the empire in 11 BC or earlier, and was subsequently divided into two provinces, namely Pannonia (where Martin was born, see §1 and n. 4) and Dalmatia (OCD 726).} Marthin yno e hvn a ddadlevodd yn erbyn anffyddlonder yr effeiriaid. Ac am hynny ef a gavas lawer o vlinder ac amarch, ac o’r diwedd ef a gvrwyd ar gyhoedd y[n] noeth^{6 y[n] noeth LlGC 3026C y noeth; BL Add 14967, 130v, col. 1 (l. 15) yn oeth. In §23 below the manuscript reading y noeth certainly represents adverbial yn + noeth ‘naked’ (see n. 23 (textual)), and it is likely that this is also the meaning intended here (see n. 46 (explanatory)). A second possible interpretation would be to read ynoeth, a form of the adverb yno ‘there’; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. yno⁠1 , ynoeth. This reading is preferable from the point of view that, unlike the above, it makes no significant difference to the detail of the episode as compared with the corresponding passage in the Latin Life (SSVM §6(4) nam et publice virgis caesus est et ad extremum de civitate exire compulsus ‘for he was both publicly flogged, and at last compelled to leave the city’). However, it is difficult to see why the form ynoeth should have been chosen in this particular case, rather than the more usual form yno which is used regularly elsewhere in the Welsh Life.A third possibility is raised by the reading yn oeth in the later copy of the Life in BL Add 14967. This could be interpreted as adverbial yn + oeth ‘strange, wonderful’, in the sense of ‘causing astonishment’ (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. oeth⁠1; compare also the meanings ‘violent, excessif, dur, hargneux’ given for oeth in Holder 1891–1913 s.v. Octŏ-s; cf. Williams 1929–31b: 237; TYP 148). Though adverbial use of oeth does not appear to have been common, there may be an instance in the twelfth-century poem ‘Breuddwyd Gwalchmai’: oeth y’m uthrwyd, perhaps ‘I was terrified astonishingly [or excessively]’ (describing the poet’s reaction to the death of his patron Madog ap Maredudd, king of Powys) (GMB 12.10, and see ibid. 257, 258, and GPC Ar Lein s.v. uthraf: uthro). It is tempting to suggest, furthermore, that the reading yn oeth in BL Add 14967 might be connected with the Latin text’s ad extremum (see the extract quoted above). However, this is problematic since that phrase appears to have been translated by the words o’r diwedd at the start of the Welsh clause; hence, if yn oeth were the original reading we would need to suppose that ad extremum had been translated twice and in two different senses (see DMLBS s.v. extremus … ad extremum 2b ‘finally’, 4b ‘utterly, to the limit’). It must also be borne in mind that the text in BL Add 14967 is probably no more than a copy of the one in LlGC 3026C, in which case its reading (yn oeth) presumably resulted from either miscopying or reinterpretation of the reading in that manuscipt (y noeth). (Compare §23 below, where LlGC 3026C again has y noeth whilst BL Add 14967 has ynoeth; see n. 23 (textual).)} a gwielyn ac ef a yrwyd o’r dinas drwy amarch.^{46 ac o’r diwedd ef a gvrwyd ar gyhoedd y[n] noeth a gwielyn ac ef a yrwyd o’r dinas drwy amarch On the emended reading y[n] noeth and other possible readings and interpretations, see n. 6 (textual). This reading, y[n] noeth ‘naked’ (with adverbial sense), is judged to be the one most likely to represent Siôn Trefor’s original intention, though there is no word or phrase with similar meaning in the corresponding passage in the Latin Life: nam et publice virgis caesus est et ad extremum de civitate exire compulsus ‘for he was both publicly flogged, and at last compelled to leave the city’ (SSVM §6(4)). It is possible that Siôn Trefor made this addition in order to emphasize the extent of Martin’s suffering for his faith.} Ac ef aeth y’r Eidal kanis ef a glowsai vod eglwysi Ffraingk⁠^{47 Ffraingk Compare SSVM §6(4) intra Gallias, which probably refers to the four provinces of ‘transalpine Gaul’ or ‘Further Gaul’, roughly corresponding to modern-day France (SSVM 181). It seems Siôn Trefor chose to modernize his source text here; though anachronistic in the historical context of the Life, the name Ffraingk ‘France’ would no doubt have been more easily understood by his contemporaries than that of Gaul.} mewn blinder mawr a gyrv Ilar Sant allan o’r tir o gedernid y Lolardiaid,^{48 y Lolardiaid See n. 44 (on Lolardiaeth Ariana).} ac yMelan yr ordeiniodd ef vynachloc iddo.^{49 yr ordeiniodd ef vynachloc iddo In the Vita the word monasterium may have been used in the sense of ‘hermitage’ rather than ‘monastery’ (SSVM 155, 182); however, Siôn Trefor probably had the latter sense in mind when translating this as [m]ynachloc.} Arsexensivs, tywysoc y Lolardiaid,^{50 Arsexensivs, tywysoc y Lolardiaid SSVM §6(4) Auxentius, auctor et princeps Arianorum ‘Auxentius, the founder and chief of the Arian faction’; neither Halm (1866: 116) nor Fontaine (1967–9: 266) note any variant reading that resembles the spelling in the Welsh Life. Auxentius, appointed bishop of Milan in 355, is considered to have been the most prominent supporter of Arianism in the west (SSVM 182; ODCC 137; on Arianism, see n. 44). Following his death in 374 he was succeeded as bishop by Ambrose, an opponent of Arianism, who is mentioned in §51 below.} a wnaeth gwrthnebedd mawr i Varthin Sant ac a’i gyrodd ef allan o’r dinas.

§13

Yna yr aeth Marthin, ac vn effeiriad santaidd gyd ac ef, i Ynys Galinaria⁠^{7 Galinaria This could be read as galmaria since there is no visible stroke above the first minim after the l, but it was transcribed as galinaria on the basis of the reading in the Latin text, SSVM §6(5) Gallinaria (cf. BSM 7.10). The name is garbled, ga/lvaria, in BL Add 14967, 130v, col. 1 (ll. 29–30).}.^{51 Ynys Galinaria Isola Gallinara, a small island in the Gulf of Genoa, near the city of Albenga in northern Italy (Roberts 1894: 7n2). On the significance of Martin’s sojourn there in the context of early monasticism, see SSVM 182–3.} Ac yno y bvant hwy ennyd yn byw ar wraidd llysievoedd, ac yno y kymerth ef yn vwyd iddo heleboriwm gwenwynic. A phann glybu gedernyd y gwenwyn yn argyweddv iddo ac yntav yn nesav tva’i angav, ef a yrodd a’i weddi bob klwyf a dolur oddi wrtho. Ac ni bu hir gwedy hynny yni glybu Varthin gael o Ilar Sant ganiad i ddyvod adref. Ac yntav Marthin a roes i vryd [ar] gyvarvod^{8 a roes i vryd [ar] gyvarvod LlGC 3026C a roes i vryd gyvarvod; BL Add 14967, 130v, col. 2 (ll. 2–3) a rroes i vryd Gyvarvod. The ar is required for the syntax; perhaps the scribe omitted it as a result of a lapse in concentration as he began a new line in his text. Cf. n. 18 (textual), n. 26 (textual), and compare the instances noted in n. 9 (textual) where it appears a superfluous small word (or letter) has been added in similar circumstances.} ac Ilar yn Rhuvain.

§14

A phann ddoeth ef yno, Ilar a aethoedd ymddaith o’r dref, a Marthin a’i dilynodd ef hyd adref. Ac Ilar a’i kroesawodd ef yn garedic, a Marthin yna a ordeiniodd mynachloc iddo yn emyl hynny.^{52 Marthin yna a ordeiniodd mynachloc iddo yn emyl hynny The location of this monastery or hermitage is not immediately clear in the Welsh Life. However, since Hilary was bishop of Poitiers (see §9) it may be assumed that it was to that city that both men went as Martin followed him ‘back home’ (hyd adref; see the preceding sentence). Poitiers is mentioned directly in the corresponding passage in Vita S. Martini (SSVM §7(1) Pictavos). Gregory of Tours noted that this foundation was in Locaciacum, modern Ligugé, some five miles south of Poitiers (SSVM 185–6).} Ac yn yr amser hwnnw y doeth dyn heb vedyddio at Varthin i geisio dysc. Ac ni bu hir oni glyvychodd hwnnw o drwm haint, a Marthin oddi gartref.^{9 oddi gartref LlGC 3026C o ddigart: at the end of a line and tref at the beginning of the next; BL Add 14967, 130v, col. 2 (l. 13) o ddigartre. It appears an extra letter was added due to a lapse in concentration as the scribe began a new line. For other errors of this kind, see n. 10 (textual), n. 13 (textual), n. 19 (textual), n. 46 (textual), n. 56 (textual), and compare the similar duplication of short words, ai, yn and ac, in §35 and §54 (see n. 45 (textual), n. 47 (textual), n. 65 (textual)). There are a few instances where it appears a letter or a short word has been omitted in similar circumstances; see n. 8 (textual).} Ac ar benn y trydydd dydd y doeth adref, a’r dyn gwedi varw^{53 gwedi varw The lenition after gwedy suggests that it is a contraction of gwedy and the third person singular masculine pronoun i; cf. BDewi §22 wedi i varw. For instances of similar contraction preceding verbal nouns, see n. 67 (on gwedy gladdu).} yn ddisyvyd heb vedydd. A phann weles Marthin y korff marw a’i vrodyr yn kwynvan vwch i benn, Marthin a wylodd.^{54 Marthin a wylodd Cf. John 11.35 ‘Jesus began to weep’, in the chapter telling the story of the resurrection of Lazarus. There are further parallels, in that Jesus had seen others weeping over the dead man and had been away when he died.} A than riddvann nesav att y korff a oruc gan gymryd yr Ysbryd Glan yn i veddwl, ac erchi i bawb vyned allan o’r ystavell lle’r oedd y korff marw. A gweddio Duw a oruc Marthin. Ac ymhenn agos y’r ddwy awr ef a welid y korff yn sylvv i holl aelodav ac yn egori i lygaid. Ac yna Marthin o hyd i lef a ddiolches i Duw. A phann glybu y rhai oedd allan hynny hwynt a vrysiasant i mewn, ac a welsant yn vyw yr hwnn a welsynt yn varw. Ac yn yr awr honno y bedyddiwyd ef. A byw vv dalym mawr o vlynyddoedd wedy hynny. A hwnnw vv y gwyrthiav kyntaf^{55 a hwnnw vv y gwyrthiav kyntaf Gwyrthiau is generally the plural form of the noun gwyrth, but is treated as if it were singular in this construction with the singular demonstrative pronoun hwnnw ‘that (one)’. As regards the meaning, it is worth comparing SSVM §7(5), where Sulpicius explains that the man who was resurrected was the first who came to him bearing testimony of Martin’s powers or virtues (Martini virtutum). The meaning of gwyrth can be ‘potency’ or ‘virtue’ as well as ‘miracle’ (see GPC Ar Lein), so translating plural virtutum with plural gwyrthiau might seem appropriate enough. However, if gwyrthiav meant something like ‘powers’ in this passage in the Life, we would not expect the singular pronoun hwnnw ‘that’ to be used to refer to them. Furthermore, the Welsh text says that Martin ‘performed’ ([g]wnaeth) the gwyrthiav, which suggests that the meaning should be ‘miracles’ (as opposed to ‘powers’), but this is not satisfactory either because, aside from considerations of syntax, it seems only one event was involved, namely the resurrection of the dead man.The text has not been emended, even so, because there are other instances in this and other saints’ Lives where gw(y)rthiau appears to be a singular noun; see §55 A thebic vv gann bawb pan yw rhyw wyrthiav engyliawl oedd hwnnw ‘And it seemed to everyone that that was some kind of angelic gwyrthiau’ (Krusch and Levison 1885b: 142.27 (I. 6) Credo, aliqua fuisset virtus angelica; Van Dam 1993: 209 ‘I think that this had been [a manifestation of] the power of some angel’); BGwenfrewy (Pen 27ii), 98 (l. 16) y gwyrthiav disyvyd hww (cf. Llst 34, 227 (l. 28) y gụyrthiaü hụnnụ, 234 (ll. 20–1) A phaụb a ḍel yno a gaphant y gụrthie yr hụnn a archant, 248 (ll. 6–7) Ar gụrthiaü hụnnụ); BDewi §4 kynta gwyrthiav, §5 ail gwyrthiav, §6 gwyrthie arall (see BDewi n. 21); and BNicolas §6 gwrthiau arall.
It appears, therefore, that gwy(r)thiau was sometimes used in a sense that combines elements of both its more usual meanings, encompassing both the (plural) powers or virtues which bring about a miracle and the (singular) miraculous event itself. The translation ‘manifestation of miraculous powers’ has been used in such instances in an attempt to convey this (and with reference to Van Dam’s translation of virtus angelica, quoted above).} a wnaeth Marthin yno. A’r vn dyn hwnnw a ddyvod i ddwyn ef gar bronn y Browdwr,^{56 Browdwr That is, brawdwr ‘judge’, referring to God as the one who judges the dead both at their time of death and on the Last Day at the end of the world. The word is used again, with the standard spelling Brawdwr, in the next sentence of the Life. Its spelling with an o may reflect the influence of the spoken language; cf. owdurdod in §§16, 35, 37, and the instances in works by William Salesbury quoted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. brawdwr.} a rhoi arno varn orthrwm, a’i yrrv i leoedd tywyll. Ac yno dyvod o ddav angel at y Brawdwr a dywedud pan yw y dyn hwnn y mae Marthin yn gweddio drosto.^{57 pan yw y dyn hwnn y mae Marthin yn gweddio drosto This is understood as indirect speech in the dramatic present tense, since pan yw is not normally used to introduce direct speech. For pan yw ‘that it is’, see GMW 80 and cf. the instance quoted and translated there, HMSS ii 28.14 yr hwnn a dywawt wrthunt pan yw dyn oed Grist ac nat Duw ‘who told them that Christ was man and not God’.} Ac ar hynn^{10 hynn LlGC 3026C hy:, and n at the start of the following line. The suspension mark over the first n suggests that another n should be added but clearly there is no need for three; cf. n. 9 (textual). Compare also BL Add 14967, 130v, col. 2 (l. 41) hynn.} gorchymyn Duw at yr vn engylion i roddi yr enaid yn y korff a’i ddwyn att Varthin. Ac ar hynny yr amlhaodd i henw ef, Marthin, yn vwy ac yn santeiddiach ac yn anrhydeddusach noc y bu o’r blaen.

§15

Ni bu hir gwedy hynny, val yr oedd Varthin yn myned ar draws maes gwr bonheddic,^{58 gwr bonheddic Vita S. Martini (SSVM §8(1)) notes that this man was named Lupicinus.} ef glywai gri^{11 gri Contrast BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 1 (l. 8) griddvan. Either reading provides acceptable sense and the difference in meaning is not great, griddfan meaning ‘groan’ or ‘lament’ whilst cri means ‘cry’ or, again, ‘lament’ (see GPC Ar Lein). However, if griddfan were the word originally intended then lenition would be expected since it is the object of the verb [c]lywai. It appears therefore that the reading in BL Add 14967 may be the result of scribal confusion, perhaps exacerbated by anticipation of the ending of the word [c]wynvan.}, a chwynvan vawr gan bo[b]loedd.^{12 bo[b]loedd LlGC 3026C boloedd; the word is amended for the sake of the meaning; cf. SSVM §8(1) turbae, and BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 1 (l. 9) bobloedd.} A govyn a oruc Marthin pa ryw nad oedd honno. Yna i dywetpwyd iddo pan yw vn o’r gwasanaethwyr a ymgrogasai. Ac ar hynny, Marthin a aeth y’r ystavell lle yr oedd y korff yn gorwedd, a gyrrv pawb o’r ystavell, a gweddio vwch benn y korff. A heb ohir ef a estynnodd y korff marwol i law at Varthin ac a gyvodes yn vyw ac a gerddodd gyd a Marthin.

§16

Ac yn ol hynny echydic y keisiwyd y gan Varthin vyned yn esgob Turwyn,^{59 Turwyn SSVM §9(1) Turonicae, that is, the city of Tours, on the river Loire in modern-day France. St Martin was elected bishop of Tours c.371 (ODCC 1050; Stancliffe 1983: 2). According to Gregory of Tours the men of both Tours and Poitiers sought to claim his body after his death, but the men of Tours secured it for their own city according to God’s will; see §§48–9.} ac ni ddevai ef o’i vodd i vod yn esgob. Ac ar hynny i doeth gwr o’r dinas – Ruricius⁠^{60 Ruricius Contrast SSVM §9(1) Rusticius. However, there are at least five different forms of his name in various manuscript versions of the Latin Life: rusticius, rustitius, rusticus and ruritius, along with the Welsh Life’s ruricius, are noted in the apparatus in Halm 1866: 118 and Fontaine 1967–9: 270.} oedd i henw – ac adolwc iddo ddyvod i iachav i wraic ef, a oedd yn wann glaf. A phann ddoeth Marthin allan yr oedd aneirif o wyr y dinas yn i aros ef, ac wynt a’i dugant ef o’i anvodd y’r dinas. Ac anveidrol oedd vaint y lluoedd pobl oedd yno, o’r dinas hwnnw a dinesydd eraill, yn dyvod i gyvarvod ac ef, a phawb a’i ewyllys ac a’i air ar wnethur Marthin yn esgob, a dywedud bod yn hapus yr eglwys a’i kaffai ef yn esgob arnai. Eisioes rhai o’r esgobion a ddoethesynt yno a ddywedasant nad oedd ef abl i vod yn esgob herwydd nad oedd wr korffoc semlantus trwsiadus na gwalltwr da.^{61 nad oedd wr korffoc semlantus trwsiadus na gwalltwr da SSVM §9(3) hominem vultu despicabilem, veste sordidum, crine deformem ‘a man contemptible of face, shabby of dress, and disfigured of hair’. The Latin Life’s crine deformem could be interpreted as an early reference to a monastic tonsure (Donaldson 1980: 72; SSVM 194–5). However, there is nothing in the Welsh Life to suggest that Siôn Trefor understood it in this sense. According to GPC Ar Lein his use of the word gwalltwr is the earliest known and there is no other instance of semlantus ‘handsome’ (but compare ibid. s.v. semlant ‘face’, ‘appearance’, &c.).} Y bobl hagen a wattwarassant ynvydrwydd yr esgyb, ac wynt a wnaethant Varthin yn esgob. Ac yr hynny yr vn gwr vv ef am vod yn ddivalch ac yn gydostwng o galonn a thrwsiad. Ac velly, yn gyflawn o owdurdod a gras, y bu ef yn kyflenwi teilyngdod esgob val nad oedd yn gado dim o’i rinweddav da dros gof.

§17

A gwedy hynny, gann nad oedd ef yn gallu dioddef kyrchva y bobl atto, ef a wnaeth iddo vynachloc ar ddwy villdir o ddinas^{13 o ddinas LlGC 3026C o ddi:, with nias at the start of the following line. It appears that the scribe intended to write inas at the beginning of the line, forgetting that he had already written the i (cf. n. 9 (textual)), and then placed the stroke above the wrong minim. Cf. BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 2 (ll. 16–17) odd/inas.} Turwyn,^{62 ef a wnaeth iddo vynachloc ar ddwy villdir o ddinas Turwyn That is, Marmoutier, which would become one of the most important centres of Martin’s cult in the Middle Ages (see Farmer 1991).} yn lle diarffordd kyfrinachol y rhwng kraic vchel ac avon Leyr, heb ffordd i vyned iddi ond vn llwybr kyvingk, ac a beris gwnevthur ystavell iddo o brennav gwniedic a elwid kell Varthin. A llawer o’r brodyr, ar yr vn modd, a wnaethant ystevyll vddvnt yn yr vn brynn.^{63 A llawer o’r brodyr, ar yr vn modd, a wnaethant ystevyll vddvnt yn yr vn brynn. There is a clearer and more detailed description in Vita S. Martini: SSVM §10(5) multique ex fratribus in eundem modum; plerique saxo superiecti montis cavato receptacula sibi fecerant ‘and many of the brothers had much the same; most had made retreats for themselves in the hollow formed by the overhanging mountain-side.’ On cavato in the sense of ‘hollow’ as opposed to ‘hollowed out’, see SSVM 201. It is possible, however, that Siôn Trefor understood the word in the latter sense.} Pedwar vgain haiach oedd o ddysgyblon i Varthin yn dysgv ac yn kymryd exsampl wrtho. Nid oedd neb yn berchennoc da yno; nam pob peth yn gyffredin oedd rhyngthvnt. Nid oedd rydd vddvnt brynv na gwerthv dim, val y byddai rydd i lawer mynach, kanis yn [yr] amser [hwnnw] kr[eff]t^{14 yn [yr] amser [hwnnw] kr[eff]t LlGC 3026C yn amser krist (cf. BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 2 (l. 32) yn amser krist). The manuscript reading makes no sense as it stands and has been emended following BSM 10.2 (see also ibid. n1); cf. SSVM §10(6) ars ibi exceptis scriptoribus nulla habebatur ‘No trade was practised there save that of the copyist’.} nid oedd ond ysgrivenyddion yn ev plith,^{64 kanis yn [yr] amser [hwnnw] kr[eff]t … yn ev plith The text has been amended in order to obtain a meaningful reading; see n. 14 (textual).} a hynny a drefnid y’r rhai ievangaf, a[’r] rhai hynaf^{15 a[’r] rhai hynaf LlGC 3026C A Rai hynaf; BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 2 (l. 34) a rai hyna; but the definite article is usually needed when a superlative form is used, as here, with a degree of comparison; cf. y’r rhai ievangaf in the same sentence, and see GMW 44. Perhaps the ’r was omitted because it precedes a similar sound; cf. §17 o[’r] rhai hynny, §46 gyda[’r] rhai (LlGC 3026C o Rai hyy, gyda Rai) and the similar instances noted in n. 21 (textual).} i weddio. Annvynych yr ai neb onaddvnt o’i gell allan, ond pann ymgnvllynt i dy y gweddiav. Yr vn bwyd a gymerynt oll, pann ddelai yr amser vddvnt,^{65 pann ddelai yr amser vddvnt Cymharer SSVM §10(7) post horam ieiunii ‘When the hour of fasting was past’.} ac nid adwaeni[a]d^{16 adwaeni[a]d LlGC 3026C adwaenid; BL Add 14967, 131r, col. 2 (l. 39) adweinid. This is taken to be an error for adwaeniad (or adwaenad) since a third person singular imperfect form is needed here. On the ending -(i)ad, see GMW 122 and compare the form gwyddiad ‘he knew’ which occurs several times in the Life, e.g. §§10, 19.} neb yno win, onid y neb a gymhellai glevyd trwm. A rhyvedd oedd allu dwyn y sawl wyrda vrddasol oedd yno i vod mor ostyngedic ac mor dda i krevydd ac oeddynt, kanis hwy a vagesid mewn amgen vodd. A ni a welsom lawer o[’r] rhai hynny^{17 o[’r] rhai hynny LlGC 3026C o Rai hyy (cf. BL Add 14967, 131v, col. 1 (l. 6) or hai hyny). In this text R usually represents ‘rh’ (see the Note on transcription), but lenition would be expected if rhai were directly preceded by the preposition o. Furthermore, the definite article (y(r)) is expected in this construction (cf., e.g., §18 y merthyri hynny, §20 y gwyrthiav hynny, §29 y sawl bobl hynny, and see GMW 83). Perhaps the definite article (’r) was omitted because it is followed by a similar sound; compare a[’r] rhai hynaf in the same section, above, and see n. 15 (textual).} yn esgyb, kanis pa eglwys bynnac a vai heb effeiriad, o vynachloc Varthin y mynnynt i gael.

§18

Bellach ni a soniwn am rinweddav Marthin gwedy i vyned yn esgob. Yr oedd, garllaw y vynachloc yno, le yr oedd bobl yn addoli, gan gredu kladdu yn [y] lle hwnnw^{18 yn [y] lle hwnnw LlGC 3026C yn at the end of a line and lle hwnnw at the start of the next. The definite article was added for the sake of the meaning, following BSM 10.16; perhaps the scribe omitted it because of a lapse in concentration as he began a new line (cf. n. 8 (textual)). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 131v, col. 1 (ll. 14–15) yny ll/e hwnnw.} verthyri. Ac allor a ordeiniasai yr esgob vchaf^{66 yr esgob vchaf Vita S. Martini has the plural adjective and noun superioribus episcopis (SSVM §11(2)), which could refer to either ‘higher’ or ‘previous’ bishops (LD s.v. sŭpĕrus … sŭpĕrĭor, ĭus). Since the latter meaning is more appropriate in the context of this episode (cf. SSVM 107 ‘earlier bishops’) it appears that Siôn Trefor may have misinterpreted his source text here.} yno. A Marthin a ddoeth yno ac a ovynnodd y rhai pennaf o’r effeiriaid a’r ysgolheigionn oedd yno henwav y merthyri hynny a’r amser y dyoddevesent. Ac am na chas atteb o’r byd wrth i vodd, ef aeth ymddaith ac ni ddoeth yno ennyd ar ol hynny. Eisioes blin vv gantho na chae wybod sierteinrhwydd am y lle vchod, a pheryglv bod y dynion mewn kam ffydd. Ac yna y doeth Marthin ac ychydic o gydymddeithion y’r lle hwnnw, ac a sevis ar y bedd ac a weddiodd ar Dduw ar ddanngos iddo pwy oedd gwedy gladdu^{67 gwedy gladdu The lenition after gwedy shows that this is a contraction of gwedy and the masculine third person singular possessive pronoun i; for similar instances, see §44 gwedy ossod, §49 gwedi golli, and compare §30 gwedy i thynnv, where the (feminine) pronoun is shown. (Compare also n. 53, on gwedi varw.)} yno. A’r awr honno, ef a weles ar y tv assw iddo yn agos atto gysgod budr brwnt.^{68 cysgod budr brwnt SSVM §11(4) umbram sordidam trucem ‘a shade … foul and menacing’. The use of Welsh cysgod to translate umbram is particularly appropriate since both words can mean either ‘shadow’, ‘shade’ or ‘ghost’ (GPC Ar Lein s.v. cysgod; LD s.v. umbra).} A Marthin a ovynnodd iddo i henw a’i dal gann Dduw. Yntav a ddyvod pan yw lleidr oedd, a’i ladd am i ddrygioni, ac nad oedd iddo ef rann gyda merthyri. A phawb ar a oedd yno a’i klywynt ef yn dywedud, ac ni welynt ddim ohono. Ac yna y dyvod Marthin i bawb beth a welsai, ac a beris symvdo yr allor o’r lle hwnnw a rhyddhav y bobl am i gwann ffydd.

§19

Gwedy hynny, a Marthin yn myned i siwrnai, ef a welai ymhell i wrtho, yn dyvod tvac atto, gorff pegan yn myned y’w gladdv. Ac ni wyddiad ef beth oeddynt^{69 ni wyddiad ef beth oeddynt This must refer to the people bringing the body for burial, though in the Welsh text they have not been mentioned previously. Contrast the description of the turbam ‘crowd’ approaching in Vita S. Martini (SSVM §12(1)).} rhac yw pelled i wrtho, eithr ef a dybiodd pann weles y llieiniav o’r elor^{70 y llieiniav o’r elor (Cf. BL Add 14967, 131v, col. 2 (ll. 11–12).) The use of the preposition o rather than ar is unexpected in this context and it is possible that words have been omitted due to a copying error. Compare the Vita’s more extended description: SSVM §12(2) agente vento lintea corpori superiecta volitarent ‘there were linen cloths draped over the corpse and fluttering in the wind’.} mae karliaid yn gwnevthur erddvniant y’r gav ddwywav oeddynt, kanis arver y Ffrangkod yn yr amser hwnnw oedd ddwyn delwav kythrevliaid a llennllieiniav yn i kylch i amgylchynv y meisydd. A Marthin yna a roes groes^{71 Marthin yna a roes groes On this practice, see ODCC 1510, where it is noted that the sign was originally drawn upon the forehead. Compare the line Duw a ro croes i’m talcen (Risiart ap Risiart Alen; Lloyd-Jenkins 1931: 20.2) quoted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. croes 2(c) (‘sign of the cross made with the right hand’).} a’i law rhyngtho ac wynt, ac a orchmynnodd vddvnt roddi y llwyth y’r llawr ac na sylvynt o’r lle hwnnw. Ac yna sevyll a wnaethant. Yn gyntaf, megys kerric y savasant yn llonydd, gwedy hynny o bob modd keisio kerdded ac nis gellynt, namynn^{19 namynn LlGC 3026C namȳ:, with n on the next line. In order to represent the manuscript reading, in the edited text an n was added after the ȳ, which has a suspension mark above it. It should be noted however that namyn is the spelling elsewhere in the text (§§4, 7, 8, 9, 35, 44); cf. other instances where dividing a word between two lines led to the addition of unnecessary letters (see n. 9 (textual)). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 131v, col. 2 (l. 24) namyn.} troi megys rhod yn yr vn lle hyd pann orvv vddvnt roddi y korff y’r llawr. A synnv arnvnt yn vawr a orvgant,^{72 synnv arnvnt yn vawr a orvgant On this construction, with the preposition ar governing the logical subject of the verb, see BDe 48 and BDewi n. 98 and cf. below §20 synnodd ar y peganiaid weled y gwyrthiav hynny, §38 Synnv a wnaeth ar y mynach a galw y llaill atto, and §51 A synnv a wnaeth ar bawb y chwedyl hwnn.} gan ryveddu a meddyliaw ynddvnt yn ddistaw pa beth a ddaroedd vddvnt. A phann wybu y benndigedic Varthinn mae myned a chorff y’w gladdv yr oeddynt, ef a roddes ganiad vddvnt i gerdded a’r korff y’w gladdu.

§20

Hevyd, val yr oedd yr anrrydeddus Varthin ddiwyrnod yn amkanv bwrw hen demyl y’r llawr, a bwrw prenn pinivs oedd yn emyl y demyl y’r llawr, yna ef a ddoeth esgyb^{73 esgyb The corresponding word in the Latin text, antistes (SSVM §13(1)), can mean either ‘high-priest’ or ‘bishop’ (LD s.v. antistĕs, ĭtis) but the former is clearly more appropriate here; accordingly, esgyb is translated ‘high-ranking priests’ rather than ‘bishops’ in the English text even though no such synonym is given in GPC Ar Lein s.v. esgob (‘bishop, prelate; overseer (in the Early Church)’). For other instances of translating a singular Latin word with a Welsh plural, see §21 tai (for domum), §38 rhinweddav (for uirtutem), §43 eglwysi (for ecclesiae); and cf. esgob for episcopis in §18 and effeiriad for presbyteris yn §45 (singular Welsh forms translating Latin plurals).} y’r lle hwnnw, a llawer o Lolardiaid^{74 Lolardiaid This word has been translated as ‘heretics’ for the sake of consistency but these people were in fact pagans and hence very different from the ‘Lollards’, followers of Arianism, who were mentioned in §12 (see n. 44). Compare SSVM §13(1) gentilium turba ‘the pagan crew’ and the Welsh Life’s use of the word peganiaid ‘pagans’, four times, in the account that follows.} gyd ac wynt, i lestair bwrw y prenn. Ac yna i dyvod Marthin wrthvnt, ‘Nid oes dim ffydd na chrevydd, yr kredv y’r prenn hwnn. Kalhynwch chwi Dduw, yr hwnn yr wyf vi yn i wasanaethu! Y prenn hwnn, rhaid yw i vwrw y’r llawr, kanis ef a gysegrwyd y’r Kythrel.’ Ac yna y dyvod vn o’r peganiaid a oedd hyvach no’r llaill wrth Varthin, ‘A oes gennyt ti hydeb yn dy dduw, yr hwnn yr wyt yn i wasanaethu, ac yn amddiriaid^{75 amddiriaid A form of ymddiried; cf. ymddiriaid and amddiried, noted as an additional headword and a variant form respectively in GPC Ar Lein s.v. ymddiriedaf. (Contrast the use of ymddiriaid, as a noun, in the same section.)} iddo val y gellych sevyll dan y prenn lle mae i bwys i syrthio? A ni a vwriwn y prenn y’r llawr, a phann vo yn syrthio, saf dano. Ac o bydd dy arglwydd gyd a thi, ti a ddiengy.’ Ac ar hynny i kytvnodd Marthin. A phawb o’r peganiaid a vv dda ganthvnt yr amod, a bwrw y prenn a orugant dan obeithio y lleddid Marthin, gelyn i ffydd hwynt. Ac yna y kymynasant y prenn, a’r lle oedd ddibettrvs ganthvnt ac ysbys y syrthiai y prenn, hwynt a rwymasant Varthin yno. A phann welsant y prenn wrth ddiwedd i gymynv yn pwyso tvac att Varthin, llawen vvant. A’r mynaich a oeddyn^{76 oeddyn There is another instance, in the same section, of this spelling which perhaps reflects the influence of the spoken language (compare na wyddyn in §55, and the conjugated prepositions drostvn in §32, §44 (see n. 105), and wrthvn in §36). The more formal spelling, oeddynt, is used elsewhere in the text (ten instances, in §§1, 6, 10, 17, 19 (three times), 20, 42 and 45).} yn edrych ar hynn a gollasant i gobaith, ac yr oeddynt yn disgwyl marvolaeth Varthin drwy vawr dristwch a goval. Eisioes Marthin, yn ddiofnoc, oedd yn gobeithio Duw ac a’i ymddiriaid ynddo. A phann weles ef y prenn yn syrthio yn vniawn atto, y rhoddes arwydd y groc rhyngtho ac ef. Ac yna y doeth, megys, kawad o gorwynt, ac y troes y prenn yn i orthwyneb val y bu agos iddaw a lladd llawer o’r peganiaid, y rhai oeddyn yn sevyll yn lle sikr ar ev bryd. Ac yna synnodd ar y peganiaid weled y gwyrthiav hynny. A’r mynaich a wylasant o lywenydd ac a volasant henw Duw, kanys hysbys vv ddyvod iechyd y’r wlad honno y dydd hwnnw, kanis ni bu haiach a welsant y gwyrthiav hynn ar na chredasant i Grist a gadaw kam gred a’i hanffyddlonder. Ac yn wir, o vlaen Marthin ni bu neb yn y gwledydd hynny yn amlhav henw Duw nac yn i voli, ond drwy y gras a roddasai Dduw iddo ef, mewn rhinweddav ac examplav santaidd, i tyvodd ffydd a daioni hyd nad oedd le ar y buasai demlav y’r gav dduwiev ar na bai yno y naill ai eglwys ai mynachloc yn enw Iesu vab Mair Vorwyn.

§21

Ac val yr oedd Varthin yn llosgi hen demyl arall y’r gav dduwiav oedd mewn ystryd o’r dinas,^{77 mewn ystryd o’r dinas The place is not named in the Latin text either (SSVM §14(1) in vico quodam ‘in one village’). According to LD, s.v., vicus can mean either ‘a row of houses in town or country, a quarter of a city, a street’ or ‘A village, hamlet, a country-seat’. In the context of this episode, therefore, Siôn Trefor’s translation appears reasonable enough. However, his use of the same word, ystryd, to translate vicus in the episode that follows is less appropriate, since there the place meant is Levroux, a substantial town (see n. 79).} ettywynion tanllyd^{78 ettywynion tanllyd Though the only English synonyms given in GPC Ar Lein s.v. etewyn are ‘firebrand’ and ‘torch’, a third synonym, ‘ember’, is given s.v. tewyn, an aphetic form of the same word, and this meaning seems the most appropriate in the context of the Life; cf. SSVM §14(1) flammarum globi ‘balls of fire’.} a deflis am benn y tai nessaf y’r demyl. A phann weles Marthin hynny, rhedec a oruc a dringo i nenn y ty a sevyll rhwng y tai a’r tan. A thrwy rinwedd y sant y troes y fflam yn i gor[t]hwyneb,^{20 gor[t]hwyneb LlGC 3026C gorchwyneb, but no such word is noted in GPC Ar Lein, and cf. the use of [g]orthwyneb, a variant of gwrthwyneb ‘contrary, opposite’, in a similar context in the preceding section. The letters t and c are often very similar in form in medieval manuscripts, so it is likely that the scribe misread his source text (cf. [g]orthymyn for [g]orchymyn yn §38, and see also n. 164 (explanatory)). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 132r, col. 2 (ll. 29–30) gw/rthwyneb.} ac yr ymrysones y ddwy elment a’i gilydd, nid amgen y gwynt a’r tan, a’r tai a ddiengis rhac llosgi.

§22

Yr oedd mewn ystryd a elwid Leprwsswm⁠^{79 mewn ystryd a elwid Leprwsswm SSVM §14(3) In vico autem, cui Leprosum nomen est. Leprosum may be identified with the town of Levroux, near Châteauroux, in central France (see BSM 13n2; Fontaine 1967–9: 778–9; SSVM 219). It was part of the diocese of Bourges; hence, Martin is here seen carrying out his missionary activity outside of his own diocese (see Stancliffe 1983: 329, 335, and cf. n. 84 below). On the translation mewn ystryd for in vico, see n. 77.} hen demyl gywaethoc, a Marthin a ddoeth yno i gesio llosgi honno. Ac y kyvodes y meiri a’r peganiaid yn erbyn Marthin a llestair iddo wnevthur i amkan, ac yntav aeth i le yn emyl hynny. Ac yno y bu ef dri diav yn ymprydio ac yn gweddio mewn gwisc rawn,^{80 gwisc rawn See GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhawn ‘long coarse animal hair(s), esp. horsehair(s)’. A garment of this kind belonging to Martin is mentioned in §30, noting that fragments pulled from it could work miracles, and in §45 he is said to have been wearing a gwisc rawn when he died. The word used by Sulpicius in the corresponding passages is cilicium ‘hair-shirt, sack-cloth’ (SSVM §14(4), §18(5); Fontaine 1967–9: 340 (Epistulae III.15)). Such uncomfortable garments would be chosen deliberately by penitents and ascetics and there are references to other saints wearing them; see, for example, a couplet by Dafydd ap Llywelyn ap Madog, praising St Dyfnog: Gwisgo’r crys er gwasgu’r croen, / Rhawn dewbais, nid rhan diboen ‘Wore the shirt to oppress the skin, / A thick tunic of horsehair, not a painless lot’ (MWPSS 7.65–6; cf. DewiLGC1 ll. 23–4; TydechoDLl ll. 25–6).In Sulpicius’s description of Martin’s monastery at Marmoutier it is noted that most of his followers wore clothing of camel hair (camelorum saetis) specifically (SSVM §10(1)). This reference was omitted from the corresponding section of the Welsh Life (§17), possibly because it was considered too outlandish or implausible. It should be noted, however, that Sulpicius himself sent camel-hair clothing as a gift to his friend Paulinus of Nola, such garments being particularly prized because of their association with John the Baptist (Fontaine 1967–9: 681–2; Stancliffe 1983: 33).} yn gorwedd yn y lludw ac yn adolwc i Dduw, kan [n]a allai^{21 kan [n]a allai LlGC 3026C kana allai (cf. BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 1 (l. 9) kana allai). Neglecting to write n twice reflects the pronunciation of the spoken language; cf. §40 kan [n]a chlywais (LlGC 3026C kanachlywais); also §23 y[n] noeth (and probably likewise in §12); §42 yr wy[f] vi; and perhaps §17 a[’r] rhai hynaf, o[’r] rhai hynny; §29 y[n] myned; §46 gyda[’r] rhai (LlGC 3026C y noeth, yr wy vi, A Rai hynaf, o Rai hyy, y myned, gyda Rai). Compare also BDewi §15 y[n] noythlvmvn (Pen 27ii, 40 (l. 16) ynoyth lvmvn).} ef ddistrywio kadernyd y demyl, anvon ohono ef rinweddav nevol a’i bwriai y’r llawr ac a’i diffeithiai. Ac ar hynny, ef a ddoeth att Varthin ddav angel yn darianoc o vilyriaeth nevol,^{81 yn darianoc o vilyriaeth nevol Compare SSVM §14(5) hastati atque scutati instar militiae caelestis ‘armed with spear and shield like the heavenly host’. In the English translation [t]arianoc ‘bearing shields’ has been interpreted figuratively, but the phrase could equally well be interpreted as ‘armed with shields of divine military prowess’ or indeed ‘armed with shields, from the heavenly host’. Both militiae and milyriaeth have a wide range of meanings; see LD s.v. mīlĭtĭa, ae ‘military service, warfare, war’, ‘Military spirit, courage, bravery’, ‘the soldiery, military’ and GPC Ar Lein s.v. milwriaeth ‘battle, war, warfare, bellicosity, also fig.; military feat, skill at arms, military qualities, valour, prowess; the military, army, host, (armed) force.’} ac wynt a ddywedasant wrth Varthin mae Duw a’i hanvonasai hwy i yrrv y peganiaid ar ffo ac y’w nerthv yntav o losgi^{82 y’w nerthv yntav o losgi On the syntax, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. o⁠1 16(b) ‘to, in (following a v[er]b or v[erb-]n[oun] denoting assistance, &c.).’} y demyl a’i distrywio, ac erchi i Varthin vyned i gwplav y gwaith a ddychrevassai yn ddwyvol. Ac yno’r aeth Marthin ac yngwydd y peganiaid y llosges y demyl ar gav ddelwav oll a’r allorav, heb allel i lestair. A phann welsant hynny, dyall a orugant mae kedernyd rhinweddol oedd yn peri vddvnt na ellynt ymryson a Marthin. A phawb haiach a gredasant y’r Arglwydd Iessu Grist dan grio yn eglur a chyfadnabod bod yn orav addoli Duw a Marthin ac ysgevluso y gav dduwiav, y rhai ni ellir help vddvnt i hvn.^{83 y rhai ni ellir help vddvnt i hvn The overall sense of the clause has been translated rather than the exact wording.}

§23

Hevyd, yngwlad Ediwrwm⁠^{84 yngwlad Ediwrwm SSVM §15(1) in pago Aeduorum. The word pagus could be understood as either ‘district’, corresponding to Siôn Trefor’s gwlad, or ‘town, village’ (DMLBS, s.v.; Fontaine 1967–9: 285 ‘dans un canton du pays éduen’; SSVM 113 ‘in a village of the Aedui’). The Aedui were a powerful people whose territory encompassed much of central Gaul (SSVM 221; see also LD s.v. Aedŭi (Haed-), ōrum ‘a tribe in Gallia Celtica friendly to the Romans’). Civitas Aeduorum was divided between the bishoprics of Autun, Châlon and Mâcon; hence, it can be seen that Martin’s evangelical activies extended beyond the borders of his own diocese of Tours (see Stancliffe 1983: 329–30 and ibid. n7; Babut 1912: 220n1; and cf. n. 79 above). Siôn Trefor’s Ediwrwm is a rendering into Welsh spelling of the Latin genitive plural form Aeduorum, so yngwlad Ediwrwm has been translated ‘in the land of the Aedui’ in the English text. It is possible, however, that it was understood simply as a place-name; hence, ‘in the land of Ediwrwm’.} yr oedd Varthin yn distrywio temyl y gev dduwiev. Ef a gyvodes yn i erbynn^{22 erbynn LlGC 3026C erbȳ: at the end of a line and n at the beginning of the next. In order to represent the manuscript reading, in the edited text another n was added after the ȳ, which has a suspension mark above it. The same spelling is used in one other instance in the text (§36 erbynn) but it should be noted that erbyn occurs four times (§§12, 22, 33, 48) and that there are other instances where the scribe added an unnecessary letter when dividing a word between two lines (see n. 9 (textual)). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 2 (l. 3) erbyn.} aneirif o beganiaid, ac vn onaddvnt oedd ddewrach no’r llaill a’i kyrhaeddodd ef a chleddyf noeth ar vedr i ladd. A Marthin pann weles hynny a vyriodd i vantell i wrtho ac a estynnodd i benn y[n] noeth^{23 y[n] noeth LlGC 3026C y noeth; BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 2 (l. 9) ynoeth. In contrast to the other instance of y noeth in the text (§12, and see n. 6 (textual)), the interpretation is unproblematic here. The meaning ‘naked’ (‘yn noeth’) is clear from the context, as Martin offers his unprotected neck to the sword that threatens him (cf. SSVM §15(1) reiecto pallio nudam cervicem percussuro praebuit ‘at which Martin threw off his cloak and offered his bare neck to him who would smite him’). The omission of the first n reflects the pronunciation of the spoken language; cf. BDewi §15 y[n] noythlvmvn (Pen 27ii, 40 (l. 16) ynoyth lvmvn) and n. 21 (textual) above.} tvac atto. A’r pegan a ddyrchavodd i vraich yn vchel ar vedr i daro. A chyd a hynny ef a syrthiodd y’r llawr dan draed Marthin, a thrwy oer vraw a dychryn mawr rhac ofn Duw ef a ervynniodd vaddevaint a thrvgaredd y’r sant. Nid oedd anhebic i hynny i damwyniodd amser arall: val yr oedd Varthin yn bwrw temyl gevdduw y’r llawr, vn o’r peganiaid a geisiodd i vrathu a chyllell, a’r llafn a ddivlannodd o law y dyn enwir val na weled byth. Mynych, eisioes, pann vai y peganiaid yn llestair iddo ddistrywio ev temlav, y danngossai ef a’i bregeth olevni vddvnt val yr esmwythai ev kalonnav, hyd pann vwriynt a’i dwylaw e hvnain ev temlav y’r llawr.

§24

Gras oedd ynddo ef y kynn gadarned ac yr iachaei y dynion kleivion val i delynt atto. Merch a elwid Treueris⁠^{24 Treueris The fourth letter is unclear; it looks as if the scribe, Gutun Owain, was in some doubt when he wrote it, or perhaps wrote over it subsequently. The word could be read as either Treueris or Treneris, and BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 2 (l. 31) has the same ambiguity. The former reading was chosen on the basis of the Latin Life’s Treveris (SSVM §16(2)).}⁠^{85 merch a elwid Treueris A place-name has been misinterpreted as a personal name. The girl is not named in the Vita; there, Treveris refers to her location in the city of Trier, near the western border of modern-day Germany (SSVM §16(2) Treveris puella quaedam ‘There was at Trier a girl’). In the Roman period it was known as Augusta Treverorum and was one of the most important cities of the western empire (Fontaine 1967–9: 815; OCD 206; SSVM 223–4).} oedd gwedy syrthio ynghlevyd parlys val nad oedd hi yn meddv ar aelod na chymal o’r heiddi^{25 o’r heiddi LlGC 3026C o Reiddi, which would give o rheiddi if R represents ‘rh’, as it regularly does in this text; cf. BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 2 (l. 34) or heiddi. For the sake of the meaning the word division of the later copy is adopted and the second word is taken to be eiddi (the feminine form of eiddo). The significance of the h at the beginning of this word is unclear. It may have been added because the scribe confused two different constructions, o’r eiddi and o’i heiddo; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. eiddo⁠1, 2(a) and (b), and for the addition of h following the feminine third person singular possessive pronoun i, cf. i hanadl, i hangav in the same section of the Life, below. A further possibility is that heiddi/heiddo was a variant form of eiddi/eiddo: there are other instances where an h developed in front of an accented intial vowel (e.g. henw, a form of enw ‘name’ used in this text), and this sometimes occurs after r particularly, e.g. ar hugain, yr holl (OIG 63). However, GPC Ar Lein does not mention heiddo as a variant of eiddo, and there is no other similar instance in the Life. (There is only one other instance of any form of eiddo, and this occurs after a vowel (§30 beth a vai eiddo Varthin).)} i ymwasanaethv, a chynn wanned oedd ac na wyddiad neb vod enaid ynddi, ond wrth i hanadl. Trist oedd i chenedl a’i chyfneseiviaint vwch i phenn yn aros i hangav. A phann ddy[w]etpwyd^{26 ddy[w]etpwyd LlGC 3026C ddy at the end of a line and etpwyd at the start of the next. Another instance of an error related to dividing a word between two lines, cf. n. 8 (textual). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 132v, col. 2 (l. 39) ddywetpwyd.} y’r genedl ddyvod Marthin y’r dinas, rhedec a oruc tad y vorwyn a dyvod y’r eglwys lle yr oedd Varthin ymysc llawer o esgyb a phobl eraill. A dyvod atto a oruc y tad dan vdo a llefain ac ymavael a’i draed, a dywedud wrtho, ‘Vy merch sydd yn myned i varw o orthrwm haint. Adolwc ytt ddyvod y’w benndigo, ac o gwnai^{86 gwnai This would usually be interpreted as a third person singular imperfect form of the verb gwneuthur (GMW 130) and is used as such elsewhere in the Life, including one instance in this same section: yn disgwyl beth a wnai wasanaethwr Duw ‘waiting to see what God’s servant would do’ (cf. §§3, 4, 5, 37, 40 and 41). Here, however, the context shows that it must be a second person singular present indicative form. There are similar instances in the poetry, e.g., DG.net 166.51–2 ‘Pa ryw orllwyn mewn llwyni / Yn y dail yna wnai di?’ ‘ “What kind of waiting in the bushes / are you doing there in the leaves?” ’; GLM LXXXVI.46 Nis gwna duc onis gwnai di ‘No leader will do it unless you do’. Compare also the similar ending of the second person singular present indicative form of the verb cael (with future meaning) in §45 of Martin’s Life, ni chai di … ddim bai ynof vi ‘you will find no fault in me’.} hynny, yr wyf yn gobeithio y kaiff i bywyd a’i hiechyd.’ Synnv a wnaeth Marthin gan y geiriav hynn a’i nekav, gan ddywedud nad oedd ef mor deilwng ac y dangosai Dduw arwydd morr rhinweddol a hwnnw yrddo ef. Eisioes, vdo a griddvain a orvc y tad vwyvwy, ac ervyn iddo ddyvod. Ac o’r diwedd, drwy i gymell o’r esgyb, ef a aeth hyd y ty lle’r oedd y vorwyn. Ac yr oedd gynvlleidva vawr o bobl gar bronn y drws yn disgwyl beth a wnai wasanaethwr Duw. Ac yn gyntaf dim, syrthio ar i liniav a orvc Marthin i weddio Duw, ac edrych ar y vorwyn ac erchi dwyn olew atto. A’i bendigo a oruc a bwrw yr olew yn i genav, ac yn gydnaid ar hynny hi a gavas i pharabl. A phob ychydic, drwy i de[i]mlad^{27 de[i]mlad LlGC 3026C demlad. This appears to be a copying error, perhaps under the influence of temyl and temlav (‘temple(s)’) which occur frequently in the preceding sections. Cf. BL Add 14967, 133r, col. 1 (l. 30) deimlad.} ef ar bob kymal ac aelod iddi, y dychrevodd vowiogi hyd pann gyvodes yn holl iach yngwydd yr holl bobl.

§25

Gwasanaethwr oedd yn yr vn amser i wr a elwid Tretadius⁠^{87 Tretadius This spelling of the proconsul’s name is used only once in the Welsh Life; elsewhere in this section he is called Titradius (twice) or Tetradius. In Vita S. Martini he is Tetradius or Taetradius (SSVM §17; Halm 1866: 126; Fontaine 1967–9: 288, 290).} Prokonsul gwedy myned kythrel ynddo ac yn i ddisynhwyro oll a’i vlino. A’i veistr a’i ervynniodd^{88 a’i ervynniodd The ’i is understood as a proleptic infixed pronoun, anticipating the object which is given at the end of the sentence ([d]yvod i roi i law arno; on the syntax, see GMW 56–7). Though an h would be expected to be added to the start of the verb that follows the pronoun (cf. §11 a’i hatebodd (with masculine object, as here)), this does not occur as consistently after the masculine pronoun as it does after the feminine and plural pronouns (TC 153–5).} i Varthin ddyvod i roi i law arno. Yntav a erchis dwyn y klaf atto, a[c] ni ellid^{28 a[c] ni ellid LlGC 3026C A ni ellid, but ac is the form of the conjunction used before the negative particle ni(d) in every other instance in the text (cf. Williams 1980: 151–2). Contrast BL Add 14967, 133r, col. 2 (l. 30) oni ellid; but the conjunction ac, with adversative force (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. a⁠5 , ac 1(a), and cf. n. 37 (explanatory)), is needed in the context (cf. sed ‘but’ in SSVM §17(1)). It appears likely, therefore, that the oni of BL Add 14967 represents an unsuccessful attempt to improve the faulty reading, A ni, of LlGC 3026C.} i ddwyn mewn modd o’r byd^{89 mewn modd o’r byd This phrase is not included amongst the combinations in GPC Ar Lein s.v. modd, but compare ibid. (mewn, yn) modd yn y byd ‘by some means, by any means, (in) any way, at all (often in a negative construction).’} o’r ystavell lle yr oedd, kanis yr ysbryd drwc oedd yn peri iddo vrathv pawb a’i kreffinio.^{90 kreffinio Only dictionary instances of this word are cited in GPC Ar Lein s.v. craffinio, creffinio (‘to scarify, scratch, cut skin, let blood’), the earliest dating from 1632 (Dictionarium Duplex, John Davies).} Ac yna y syrthiodd Titradius⁠^{29 Titradius LlGC 3026C titradiu’ (cf. BL Add 14967, 133r, col. 2 (l. 9)). The same suspension mark is used to represent us elsewhere in the text (see n. 25 (transcription)), but only the s is needed here. Cf. Tretadius, Titradius, Tetradius, above and below in the same section, all referring to the same man who is named Tetradius or Taetradius in Vita S. Martini (SSVM §17; Halm 1866: 126; Fontaine 1967–9: 288, 290).} ar i lin gar bronn Marthin ac ervyn iddo ddyvod y’r ty lle’r oed[d]^{30 lle’r oed[d] LlGC 3026C lle roed; BL Add 14967, 133r, col. 2 (l. 11) lle yr oedd. Similar errors may be seen in §31 (yr oed[d] verch) and §57 (pan oed[d] oed Krist).} y klaf kythrevliedic yn ymddieflygv.^{91 ymddieflygv There do not appear to be any other instances of this word. Neither ymddieflygu nor dieflygu are included in GPC Ar Lein, but compare ibid. s.v. dieflig ‘devilish, diabolical … possessed by a devil’. In the vocabulary for the extract from the Welsh Life of Martin published in Parry-Williams 1954, the meaning ‘ymryddhau, ymlanhau o afael cythraul’ is suggested; that is, ‘free or cleanse oneself from the clutches of a devil’. However, both the individual elements and the context of the word suggest the reverse: perhaps ‘to behave in a devilish manner’, ‘to make oneself devilish’ or ‘to become one with the devil’. Compare also the verb ymgythreulio which occurs twice in Perl mewn Adfyd (1595), a translation by Huw Lewys of an English treatise by Myles Coverdale (itself a translation from a German original); in the first instance gwallgofi, ac ymgythreulio a wnant translates ‘rave and rage and give themselves over to the devil’, and in the second hwy a ymgythreuliant, ac a wallgofiant translates ‘they rage and rave’ (Gruffydd 1929: 135, 237; Pearson 1884: 150, 191).} Marthin yna a nekaodd ac a ddyvod na allai vyned i dy began anffyddlon, kanis Titradius yna oedd heb vedyddio. Ac ar hynny ef a eddewis gredv i Grist a bod yn Gristion os y kythrel a yrai i wrth i wasanaethwr. Ac yna y rhoddes Marthin i law ar y dyn a gyrrv yr ysbryd drwc ohono allan. A phann weles Tetradius hynny, ef a gredodd y’r Arglwydd Iessu Grist ac a vedyddiwyd, ac ef a garodd Varthin tra vv vyw.

§26

Yn yr vn amser o vewn y dinas hwnnw, ac ef yn myned i dy gwr o’r dinas, ef a welai gythrel yn y nevadd ac ef a’i gyrrodd ymddaith. Ac yntav aeth mewn dyn oedd yn trigo yn y plas,^{92 yn y plas The meaning of plas is uncertain here; the context would permit either ‘mansion’ or ‘place, spot’ (GPC Ar Lein s.v. plas (a), (b)), but neither corresponds exactly to the Latin in interiore parte aedium ‘in the inner part of the house’ (SSVM §17(5); Roberts 1894: 12).} gwasanaethwr i wr y ty. A’r dyn hwnnw a esgyrnygodd ddannedd ac a geisiodd ladd pawb a gyvarvv ac ef. Kyffro mawr yna a gyvodes yn y ty, a phawb yn ffo rhacddo. Marthin a ddoeth i gyvarvod ac ef ac a erchis iddo sevyll. Yntav a esgyrnygodd ddannedd arno ac egores i safn i geisio i vrathv, a Marthin a hyrddodd i vyssedd yn i safn ac erchi iddo i knoi os gallai. Ac yntav ni allai yna wasgv i ddannedd i gyd, mwy no phe bai haiarn tanllyd yn i enav. A phann oedd Varthin yn kyme[ll]^{31 kyme[ll] LlGC 3026C kymer, but a verbal noun is needed here (after predicative yn). It would be possible to follow the reading in BL Add 14967 (133v, col. 1 (l. 8) kymrud) and emend to kymryd (the usual spelling of the verbal noun in LlGC 3026C; see, e.g., §8, §17) but, instead, it is emended to kymell following BSM 16n1, since this gives a more appropriate meaning; cf. SSVM §17(7) et cum fugere de obsesso corpore poenis et cruciatibus cogeretur ‘Then, being compelled under pain of torment to flee the body he had possessed’. The reading in BL Add 14967, kymrud, can be explained as an attempt to correct the faulty reading, kymer, in LlGC 3026C. Perhaps the copyist understood kymer as an abbreviation of kymeryd; on the different forms of the verbal noun, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. cymeraf: cymryd, cymrud, cymeryd.It is noted, ibid., that Modern Welsh cymeryd is a back-formation from the stem cymer-, and the earliest examples cited date from the mid-sixteenth century, which is the period when BL Add 14967 was written. However, there are a few earlier instances, including one in a poem by Huw Cae Llwyd (a contemporary of Siôn Trefor) in which the form is confirmed by metre and cynghanedd: Llawer y sy’n cymeryd; / Ai drwg un a’i dyry i gyd? (HCLl XIV.45). There remains some uncertainty, therefore, over which verb was intended in the Welsh Life of Martin.} ⁠^{93 kyme[ll] It is uncertain which verbal noun was intended here. Either kymell ‘compel’ or kym(e)ryd ‘take (away), remove’ give acceptable sense, but the former was chosen since it is closer to the meaning of the corresponding verb in the Latin Life (see n. 31 (textual)).} y kythrel o’r dyn, ni chavas vyned y’w enav eithr y’r penn arall, gan dywallt holl vrynt[i]^{32 vrynt[i] LlGC 3026C vrynt. Probably an error for vrynti or vryntni; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. brynti ‘uncleanness, filth’, &c., and cf. BL Add 14967, 133v, col. 1 (ll. 10–11) vrynti.} y korff gyd ac ef.

§27

A phann ddoeth y chwedl yn eglur y’r dinas, rhai a gymerth ofn mawr, nid amgen noc am ddywedud bod llawer o amravaelion genedloedd yn dyvod am ev penn i anrheithio y dinas. Marthin yna a erchis dwyn atto ddyn yr aethoedd anysbryd yntho, ac ef a orchmynnodd i hwnnw ddywedud oedd wir y chwedyl hwnnw. Ac yntav a ddyvod pan yw vn ar bymthec o gythrevliaid^{94 vn ar bymthec o gythrevliaid Contrast SSVM §18(2) decem daemonas ‘ten demons’. However, the number sixteen (sedecim or sexdecim) does occur amongst the variant readings noted by Halm (1866: 127) and Fontaine (1967–9: 292).} a wnaethesynt y chwedl hwnn ac a’i haeyesynt ymysc y bobl i geissio gyrrv Marthin ar ffo oddyno rhac ofn hynny, a dywedud nad oedd yr vn o’r kenedlaethav yn meddwl am ddyvod yno. Ac velly pann ddyvod yr ysbryd hynny, Marthin yn yr eglwys a ryddhaodd yr holl dinas^{95 yr holl dinas Lenition is expected after holl (cf., e.g., §8 yr holl elynion, §24 yr holl bobl, §26 holl vrynt[i] y korff ), but sometimes dd- hardens to d- after -ll (TC 93).} o’i blinder a’i hofn.^{96 o’i blinder a’i hofn The absence of lenition after the first pronoun and the added h after the second suggest that both pronouns are either (singular) feminine or plural. Since dinas is a masculine noun elsewhere in the text (it never lenites after the definite article (see §§12, 16, 21, 24, 26), and cf. especially §16 o’r dinas hwnnw, §26 y dinas hwnnw, where it is followed by the masculine demonstrative adjective), the pronouns here are understood as plural ones which represent the city as a group of people rather than a geographical or administrative entity.}

§28

Ac val yr oedd Varthin ddiwyrnod a phobl vawr^{97 pobl vawr This could be understood as either ‘important people’ or ‘a great crowd’ (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. pobl ‘people … tribe, crowd’); the Latin text’s magnis … turbis suggests that the latter was intended (SSVM §18(3)).} gyd [ac] ef^{33 gyd [ac] ef LlGC 3026C gyd ef. The preposition ac ‘with’ was added for the sake of the meaning, following BSM 17.1. Cf. also BL Add 14967 (133v, col. 1 (l. 32) gyd ac ef).} yn myned i Baris, y kyvarvv ac ef glaf gwahanol hakraf ac anverthaf o’r byd. Ac yr bod y bobl yn i ffieiddio wrth edrych arno, Marthin a roddes gvssan iddo ac a’i bendigodd. A’r awr honno ef aeth yn holliach. A thrannoeth ef a ddoeth y’r eglwys i ddanngos i gnawd yn lan ac i dalu moliant i Dduw a Marthin am iechyd.

§29

Val yr oedd Varthin y[n] myned^{34 y[n] myned LlGC 3026C y myned. The omission of n in front of m (another nasal consonant) may reflect the influence of the spoken language; cf. y[n] noeth in §23 (LlGC 3026C y noeth) and the similar instances noted in n. 21 (textual). Compare also BL Add 14967, 133v, col. 2 (l. 5) yn myned.} i ddinas Siartris⁠^{98 dinas Siartris The episode related in this section derives from one of Sulpicius’s dialogues (Halm 1866: 185 (Dialogi I (II), §4)); the Welsh Life then returns to Vita S. Martini. The Latin text refers here to Carnotum oppidum ‘the town of the Carnutes’. The main town of this tribe was Autricum, known as Chartres by the Middle Ages (Roberts 1894: 40n2). It is striking that the place-name has been so successfully updated in this instance (compare n. 5, n. 29, n. 84, n. 85). One possible explanation is that Siôn Trefor incorporated an explanatory gloss from his source text.} drwy dref oedd ar y ffordd, ef a ddoeth aneirif o bobl anffyddlon i gyvarvod ac ef, kanis yn y dref honno nid oedd neb a edwaeniad^{99 edwaeniad A third person singular imperfect form of the verb adnabod; cf. atwaenat, noted in GMW 148, and for the (i)at ending see ibid. 122.} yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist. Eisioes, rhac maint oedd y son am y santaidd Varthin, y doethoedd kymaint o bobl i geisio i weled val yr oedd yr holl veysydd yn llawn. Marthin yna a gyffroes ynddo e hvn ac a ddyallodd, drwy yr Ysbryd Glan, vod gwaith yno y’w wnevthvr, ac a bregethodd eiriav Duw y’r bobl dan vynych vcheneidio yn drwm achos bod y sawl bobl hynny heb adnabod amddiffynnwr ev heneidiav. Ac val yr oedd aneirif o’r peganiaid hynn yn k[y]lchynv^{35 k[y]lchynv LlGC 3026C klchynv; BL Add 14967, 133v, col. 2 (l. 23) kylchynv.} y sant bendigedic hwnn, nychaf wraic a mab a vuassai varw ychydic kynn no hynny, ac yn estyn i breichiav a’r mab marw tvac att Varthin ac yn dywedud wrtho, ‘Ni a wyddom dy vod yn garedic gan Dduw. Gwna dithav vy vn mab i yn vyw.’ Marthin yna, a’i ddwy law e hvn, a gymerth y korff marw atto a digwyddo a oruc ar i liniav i weddio Duw, a pawb^{36 a pawb Perhaps the reading should be emended to a p[h]awb since this is the only instance where the text fails to show aspirate mutation of p > ph following the conjunction a. Cf. BL Add 14967, 133v, col. 2 (l. 34) a ffawb.} o’r peganiaid yn disgwyl beth a ddamwyniai o hynny. A phann ddarvv i Varthin i weddi, kyvodi i vyny a oruc ac estyn y mab a vvassai varw yn vyw lawen att i vam. Ac ar hynny y sawl gynvlleidva honno a gredasant i Grist gan grio ar Dduw holl gywaethoc. Ac yn gaturva y syrthiasant gar bronn Marthin i ervyn bedydd a’i gwnevthur yn Gristynogion, a Marthin a gyflanwodd i damv[n]ed^{37 damv[n]ed LlGC 3026C damvied; BL Add 14967, 134r, col. 1 (l. 9) damvned.} a[c] yn y^{38 a[c] yn y LlGC 3026C A yny; BL Add 14967, 134r, col. 1 (l. 9) ac yny.} maes hwnnw ef a’i gwnaeth hwynt oll yn Gristynogion. Ac ar hynny i dyvod vn o’r rhai a droesid y’r ffydd wrth Varthin nad oedd anrhesymol gwnevthur k[ri]stynogion^{39 k[ri]stynogion LlGC 3026C kystynogion; compare two instances of gristynogion in the preceding sentences. This appears to be a copying error as a result of anticipating the y that follows krist-; cf. the two ns in gorchynvn (for gorchymyn) in §3. BL Add 14967 has gristynogio/gion here (134r, col. 1 (ll. 14–15)).} yn y maes lle buesid yn kysegrv merthyri o’r blaen.

§30

Myny[ch]^{40 Myny[ch] LlGC 3026C Myny, with what might be ch added in a different ink and probably by a later hand. Cf. BL Add 14967, 134r, col. 1 (l. 16) Mynych.} i kaid gwyrthiav i wrth beth a vai eiddo Varthin. Hem o’i ddillad ef gwedy i thynnv i wrth i wisc rawn ef, o rhwymid am vyssedd nev ddwylo dynion kleivion, wynt a gent^{100 cent If this is a third person plural imperfect form of the verb cael we would expect keffynt or kehynt (GMW 149). Perhaps the manuscript reading is a (?spoken) contraction of one of these; compare BMartin §49 pann geffynt liw dydd ‘as soon as they had daylight’.} ev hiechyd.

§31

A hevyd yr oed[d]^{41 yr oed[d] LlGC 3026C yr oed; BL Add 14967, 134r, col. 1 (ll. 22–3) yroe/dd. Similar errors may be seen in §25 (lle’r oed[d] y klaf) and §57 (pan oed[d] oed Krist).} verch i wr kadarn a elwid Arkorivs,^{101 Arkorivs He is called Abirius in the next sentence but one. In Vita S. Martini his name is Arborius (SSVM §19(1) Arborius … vir praefectorius ‘Arborius, a man of praefectorial rank’, ibid. (2) apud Arborium). Magnus Arborius, a member of a noble Gallo-Roman family from Aquitaine, was Prefect of the City of Rome in 380 (see further Fontaine 1967–9: 873–4; SSVM 233).} a honno oedd glaf wann o’r kryd kwartan.^{102 kryd kwartan See GPC Ar Lein s.v. cryd … cryd cwartan ‘quartain ague’; this is the earliest instance cited, but another name for the same illness is noted, cryd y pedwaredydd, which is attested from the thirteenth century onwards. See further OED Online s.v. quartan B. 1.a ‘Recurring (by inclusive reckoning) every fourth day … spec. designating a form of malaria in which fever recurs in this way’.} A’i thad a gymerth llythr i gan Varthin atto pann oedd vwyaf i gwres a’i lloscva, a’r awr honno hi aeth yn iach. Ac ar hynny Abirius a aeth a’i verch gyd ac ef att i vrenin yn dystiolaeth ar y gwyrthiav a wnaethoedd Varthin yn i apsenn, ac ef a’i hoffrynnodd^{42 hoffrynnodd It is tentatively accepted as a variant form of the verb offrymu ‘to offer (up)’. No similar variant is noted in GPC Ar Lein, but cf. Pen 11, 84v (ll. 10–11) (c.1380, ‘Ystoriau Saint Greal’) y neb a|oed yn|y offrynnaỽ* ef ar betheu tec (quoted from RhyddGym 1300–1425). Another possibility is that the scribe wrote one minim too many by mistake; cf. chynnell for chymell (§35), mymych for mynych (§36), and also gorchynvn for gorchymyn (§3) and Mimav for minnav (§42). BL Add 14967, 134r, col. 1 (ll. 32–3) has the expected spelling, hoffry/modd.} hi y’w chysegrv yn lleian i gadw i gwerydd-dod. Ac ni vynnodd neb y’w gwisgo yn y krevydd nac y’w chysegru eithr Marthin a’i law ehvn.

§32

Pawlinvs,^{103 Pawlinvs Paulinus of Nola (353/5–431) was the son of a noble family from Aquitaine and served as governor of Campania before undergoing a spiritual conversion; he and his wife sold their assets for charity and he was ordained in 394, later becoming bishop at Nola (ODCC 1252; SSVM 233–4). It appears that the procedure carried out on his eyes, described in this episode, took place before his baptism (Fontaine 1967–9: 883). Paulinus is mentioned again in §40, where Martin counsels Sulpicius to [k]ymryd siampl ‘take an example’ from him.} gwr oedd yn ymarver o gyfarwyddion,^{104 yn ymarver o gyfarwyddion Cyfarwyddion probably means ‘magic’ or ‘enchantments’ here; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. cyfarwydd (as a (plural) noun, section 3). There is nothing corresponding to this in the Latin text, SSVM §19(3) Paulinus magni uir postmodum futurus exempli ‘Paulinus, a man destined thereafter to be a great example for others.’ It appears that Siôn Trefor misread or misunderstood magni (magnus ‘great’), taking it to be some form of the word magus ‘magician’. It is easy to see how mistaking n for u could have led to this error. On this and other translation errors in the text, see further the Introduction.} a gwedy hynny y bu siampl dda i eraill: ef a ddoeth dolur o’i lygaid oni aeth rhuchen drostvn.^{105 drostvn It is understood as a spoken form of trostynt, drostynt; the same form is used in §44, and compare wrthvn in §36 and oeddyn in §20.} Marthin a gyhyrddodd ac ef a phinn bychan^{106 pinn bychan It is uncertain what type of instrument is envisaged here. In GPC Ar Lein this phrase is quoted under pìn⁠2, ‘(writing-)pen’ or ‘stylus’, but there is also an entry for pìn⁠1, defined as denoting a ‘pin’ or various other pointed implements. The corresponding word in Vita S. Martini is penicillo (penicillum/penicillus) or the variant spelling pinicillo, or the related word peniculo (peniculus) (SSVM §19(3); Halm 1866: 128), and it is likely that these denote either an ophthalmic implement in the form of a small brush or sponge for applying medication, or perhaps the medication itself (see LD s.v. pēnĭcillum, pēnĭcillus and pēnĭcŭlus; Roberts 1894: 13; SSVM 117; Fontaine 1967–9: 295, 886; Stancliffe 1983: 366).In the Vita there is no adjective modifying penicillo/pinicillo/peniculo; it appears, therefore, that Siôn Trefor recognized the diminutive ending in the Latin word and translated this as bychan ‘small’. It is less clear how he interpreted the first element of the word. He may have supposed it had a similar meaning to one or other of the Welsh words (pìn) noted above and translated it accordingly, or perhaps he simply kept or adapted the Latin pin- or pen- because he was unsure how to translate it. As noted above, the variant readings in the Vita include pinicillo; on the other hand, Siôn Trefor’s pinn could plausibly derive from pen- also; cf. the suggested derivation of pìn ‘(writing-)pen, stylus’ from Old French penne (perhaps through Middle English) or from the Latin penna (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. pìn⁠2, where it is noted further that e could have changed to i under the influence of pìn⁠1).
It is doubtful, then, how much of a relationship there actually is between this pinn and either one of the two homonyms identified in GPC Ar Lein (s.v. pìn⁠1, pìn⁠2). On the other hand, awareness of these words would probably have influenced the way in which Siôn Trefor’s pinn was understood by his text’s audience; hence, it is rendered as ‘?pen/pin’ in the English translation offered here.} ac a’i gwnaeth yn iach ac yn ddi-ddolur.

§33

Amser arall, val yr oedd Varthin yn diesgyn y’w barlwr y syrthiodd drwy yr ysgol oni vriwodd yn ysic, val yr oedd lawer o weliav ar i gorff. Ac val yr oedd yn vawr i ddolur ac yn debic i varw, ef a welai y nos honno angel yn dyvod ato ac yn elio i holl weliav. Ac erbyn trannoeth yr oedd ef yn holl iach val pe buasai heb vriwo.

§34

A chann vod yn rhyhir i ni ysgrivennv kwbl o vuchedd a gwyrthie Marthin, ni a ysgrivennwn beth o’r pethav pennaf o wyrthiav Marthin mewn byrder, rhac blino darlleodron gan bethav rhyhir.^{107 A chann vod yn rhyhir … gan bethav rhyhir. Red ink was used for this long sentence, as if to draw attention to the author’s voice; cf. at the end of §37 and also the colophon, but contrast the passages in the authorial voice in §§17, 18, 39, 40, 42, 45, 56, which are written in the usual brown ink.}

§35

Pann ddoeth llawer o esgyb o ymravaelion wledydd att Vaxenianus⁠^{108 Maxenianus Contrast Maxemanus at this end of this section. In Vita S. Martini the emperor is named as Maximus (SSVM §20), that is, Magnus Maximus, who was emperor in the west between 383 and 388. He was a Spaniard who became leader of the Roman forces in Britain. After being proclaimed emperor by his soldiers he went to Gaul and overthrew the Emperor Gratian, who was later killed (in 383). Maximus was recognized by Theodosius I, who ruled in the east; but after Maximus took his forces into Italy, expelling Valentinian II, Theodosius I moved against him. Maximus was defeated in two battles near Siscia and Pola, and was executed in Aquileia in 388 (OCD 626, 888, 1458, and on Valentinian II, see also n. 114 below). Maximus’s story is mentioned by Gildas and in Historia Brittonum, and a number of Welsh royal lineages claimed descent from him (TYP 442). Two different versions of his story are given in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Brittaniae and in the Welsh tale, ‘Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig’ (Matthews 1983; TYP 442–3; WCD 434–5; Roberts 2005), and ‘Macsen’ is mentioned in poetry from the twelfth century onwards (Parry Owen 1997: 33; Parry Owen 2008: 62; GCBM i 16.88n; and for poetic references by some contemporaries of Siôn Trefor, see GG.net 53.22; GLGC 83.57, 97.73–6, 208.17). However, there is nothing in the Welsh Life that suggests that Siôn Trefor connected Maxenianus/Maxemanus with Macsen Wledig. The inconsistency in the spelling of his name in the Welsh Life may have resulted from miscopying, but it is also possible that these different forms reflect wider confusion between the names Maximus, Maximianus and Maxentius (TYP 443; Matthews 1983: 439–43).} amerodr Rhuvain, yr hwnn oedd wr gwyllt i natur a balch o’i vuddygoliaeth ar i giwdawdwyr, a phawb yn dywedud gweniaith wrtho drwy anwadalwch afrywioc heb goffav vrddas effeiriadaeth; ac yr oedd mewn Marthin vrddas ac owdurdod ebostylaidd, kanis yr dyvod ohono ef i ervyn negesav gan yr amerodr, kynt y gorchmynnai ef noc yr ervynniai; a phann wahoddes yr amerawdr ef y’w wledd, ef a ddyvod na chyd-vwydtai ef a’r amerodr a laddasai y llall ac a yrasai^{43 ac a yrasai LlGC 3026C ac a yrasai ac a yrasai. BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 1 (l. 5) Ac a yrrasai. There are a number of other errors in this section in LlGC 3026C that appear to reflect lapses in concentration on the part of the scribe; see the notes below.} yr amerodr arall ar ffo o’r tir.^{109 a laddasai y llall ac a yrasai yr amerodr arall ar ffo o’r tir These two emperors are Gratian, who was killed in 383, and his brother Valentinian II (BSM 19n3, and see n. 108 above and n. 114 below). The latter is mentioned by name (Valentinian Amerodr) at the end of this section.} Ac yntav a ddyvod na chymerth^{110 cymerth A third person singular preterite form of the verb, though it has been rendered as a pluperfect form in the English translation. The tense of the verbs oedd and [l]las has been changed, likewise, in the translation of the sentence that follows.} ef yr ymerodraeth o’i vodd, namyn drwy i chy[m]ell^{44 i chy[m]ell LlGC 3026C i chynnell; BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 1 (ll. 8–9) ich/ymell. The reading in LlGC 3026C is emended for the sake of the meaning; it probably resulted from a copying error, writing one minim too many, cf. mymych for mynych in §36.} o’r marchogion i amddiffin y dyrnas val yr oedd ewyllys Duw. Ac yn arwydd ar hynny, od oedd vawr y vatel, ni las ynddi ond echydic o’r blaenoriaid. Ac o’r diwedd Marthin a ddoeth y’r wledd y naill ai wrthvyn^{111 y naill ai wrthvyn The lenition of the verbal noun suggests that the preposition i was understood here. It has probably been combined with the ai that precedes it.} yr amerodr ai^{45 ai In LlGC 3026C, ai is at the end of the line and is repeated unnecessarily at the start of the next. The same error is not present in the text in BL Add 14967 (134v, col. 1, l. 16). For similar errors, see n. 9 (textual).} gorvod ohono ef a rhesswm. Llawen vv yr amerodr o hynny, a llawer o arglwyddi a oedd yn y wledd, nid amgen Iarll Evodius a iarll a elwid Preffectus,^{112 Iarll Evodius a iarll a elwid Preffectus Contrast SSVM §20(4) praefectus idemque consul Evodius. Evodius was a prefect (praefectus) and a consul, but in the Welsh Life praefectus has been misinterpreted as the personal name of another man.} yr hwnn^{46 yr hwnn LlGC 3026C yrhwn, at the end of a line; BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 1 (ll. 21–2) yr h/wn. For a similar error with hynn, see §14 (n. 10 (textual)).} nid oedd neb gyfiownach noc ef, a dav iarll eraill gedyrn allvol: brawd yr amerodr a’i ewythr, vrawd i dad. Ac yn i kanol hwynt yr oedd effeiriad Marthin yn eistedd, ac yntav e hvn oedd yn^{47 yn In LlGC 3026C, yn is at the end of the line and is repeated unnecessarily at the start of the next; compare the similar error with ai in the same section, above, and see n. 9 (textual) for other slips of this kind. The same error is not present in the text in BL Add 14967 (134v, col. 1, l. 28).} eistedd gann ystlys yr amerodr. Ac ef a roddes y kwpan a’r ddiod yn llaw Varthin i ddechrev atto.^{113 Ac ef a roddes y kwpan a’r ddiod yn llaw Varthin i ddechrev atto The conjugated preposition atto ‘to him’ is taken with ef a roddes ‘he gave’.} A Marthin, pann ddarvv iddo yved, a estynnodd y kwpan att i effeiriad gann dybio nad oedd neb a ddylei yved o’i vlaen ef, kanis nad oedd gymesur gan Varthin roddi rhagor y’r brenin nac y’r vn o’i geraint rhac i effeiriad ef. Ac yr bod hynny yn ddiystyrwch ar y brenin a’i arglwyddi, ef a ryngodd bodd vddvnt y weithred honno. A honnaid vv y chwedl hwnnw: gwnevthur o Varthin yngwledd y brenin beth nis gwnaethoedd neb yngwleddav esgyb go issel. Marthin a ddyvod wrth yr amerodr, os ef a elai y’r Eidal, lle’r oedd i vryd ar vyned, y kae y vattel gyntaf ac yn yr ail y kollid ef. Ac velly bu: yn y vattel gyntaf y ffoes Valentinian Amerodr⁠^{114 Valentinian Amerodr Valentinian II, the son of Valentinian I. He was elevated by the soldiers of Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior (see n. 4), following his father’s death, but was not acknowledged as emperor in the west until after his brother Gratian had been overthrown by Magnus Maximus in 383. Valentinian II was driven from Italy by Maximus in 387 but returned to power the following year with the help of Theodosius I, ruling until his death in 392 (OCD 1531, and on Magnus Maximus see n. 108 above).} a’i wyr, ac ar benn y vlwyddyn yn yr ail vattel y daliwyd Maxemanvs, ac y llas o vewn y dinas.^{115 y dinas Though not named in the Welsh text, the place meant is Aquileia (SSVM §20(9) intra Aquileiae muros ‘within the walls of Aquileia’), near the northern end of the Adriatic (OCD 129). Magnus Maximus was executed there in 388 (OCD 888, and see n. 108 above).}

§36

Ysbys yw y byddai Varthin yn gweled yr engylion ac yn amddiddan ac wynt yn vynych, a hevyd ni allai y Kythrel ymgvddi[o]^{48 ymgvddi[o] LlGC 3026C ymgvddi. At present (2020) ymguddio is included in GPC Ar Lein only as a cross-reference (ym- + cuddio); in the entry for cuddio no form of the verbal noun is noted that does not end with an o. Cf. BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 2 (ll. 14–15) ymgud/Io.} rhagddo kanis pa vodd bynnac y bai, ai yn i rith e hvn ai yn amravael rith, ef a’i gwelai Varthin ef. A phann wybu y Kythrel na allai dwyllo Marthin o’i ddichell, my[n]ych^{49 my[n]ych LlGC 3026C mymych. It is understood as a copying error (one minim too many); cf. chynnell for chymell in §35. Cf. also BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 2 (l. 19) mynych.} yr amharchai ef a drygvoes. A diwyrnod ef a ddoeth y Kythrel y’r ystavell att Varthin, a thrwst mawr ffromart gantho, ac a chorn krevlyd yn i law, ac yn llawen vocsachus o’r weithred ddybryd a wnaethoedd. Ac ef a ddyvod yna wrth Varthin val hynn: ‘Mae,’ heb ef, ‘dy rinweddav di a’th allu? Myvi a leddais vn o’th dylwyth di.’ Ac yna Marthin a elwis i vrodyr atto ac a ymovynnodd ac wynt am bob vn o’i dylwyth ef, a pheri chwilio pob siamb[r]^{50 siamb[r] LlGC 3026C siamb; BL Add 14967, 134v, col. 2 (l. 31) siamr.} a orvc. Ac nid oedd yr vn o’r mynaich yn eisiav, nac o’r gwasanaethwyr eraill, eithr vn aethoedd y’r koed a menn ac ychen i gnvtta. Marthin yna a erchis myned yn i erbynn, ac wynt a’i kowsant ef yn emyl y vynachloc yn myned i varw. Ac ef a ddyvod wrthvn pan yw vn o’r ychen a’i lladdassai a’i gorn, ac ef yn gwasgv y ddol arno yn dynnach noc oedd. A’r awr honno y bu varw y gwas ievangk. A rhyvedd oedd pa achos y rhoddassai Dduw y meddiant hwnn y’r Kythrel, a Marthin yn gwybod o’r blaen lawer o’r kyfryw bethe ac yn yw dywedud y’w vrodyr: val y keisiodd y Kythrel drwy vil o voddav i dwyllo ef, y santaidd Varthin.

§37

Ac ymddangos a wnai iddo mewn amravaelion rithiav, weithiav yn rhith Iupiter, weithiav yn rhith Vinvs ac weithiav eraill yn rhith Menerva, ac yntav, Marthin, yn ddi-arswyd a amddiffynnai ef ehvn ac arwydd y groc ac a’i weddi. Mynych i klywid llvoedd o gythrevliaid yn dywedud drycvoes wrth Varthin ac yn i amherchi ac yr hynny ni chyffroai ef ddim. Rhai o’i vrodyr a dystioleythynt glowed ohonvnt y Kythrel yn ymliw a Marthin ac yn i geryddu am gymryd ohono y’r vynachloc, dan benyd, rai o’r brodyr a gollesynt ev bedydd achos ev pechodav; a chlywed hevyd y Kythrel yn mynegi pechod pawb, eithr Marthin yn ddwys ac yn gadarn a attebodd iddo val hynn: pan yw drwy droi i vywyd da y glanheir hen bechodav, a thrwy drvgaredd Dduw y glanheir pawb a beittio a’i bechodav. Ac yna, gyd a hynny, Marthin a griodd o hyd i benn^{116 Marthin a griodd o hyd i benn For the meaning, compare GPC Ar Lein s.v. gweiddi o hyd pen (ei ben, &c.) ‘to cry out aloud’.} ac a ddyvod wrth y Kythrel, ‘Pe tydi, beth brwnt, a beidivt ac eiriol ar ddynion wnevthur pechodav a chymryd ohonot adiveirwch am dy ddrwc, mi a lyvaswn, drwy y gobaith sydd ynof yn yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist, addo i ti drvgaredd.’ O Duw dec,^{117 O Duw dec On the lenition of an adjective after a proper name, see TC 114.} mor santaidd oedd y taeriad hwnnw o drugaredd yr Arglwydd, a’r lle ni allai ef roddi owdurdod drosto, ef a ddanngosai i ewyllis! Ac yr yn bod ni yn son llawer am weithredoedd y Kythrel, etto mae rhann vawr o’r ymddivan hwnn yn koffav rhinweddav a gwyrthiev Marthin, ac yn bethav teilwng y’w rhoddi mewn kof yn siampl i eraill rhac llaw i ochel drwc.^{118 Ac yr yn bod ni yn son … i ochel drwc. Red ink was used for this sentence, as in §34 above (see n. 107).}

§38

Gwr ievangk vrddasol a elwid Klarus⁠^{119 Klarus Contrast the spelling Klarius/Klarivs below. The Latin Life has Clarus (SSVM §23(1, 4, 8)). This young nobleman was held in high regard by Sulpicius and his friend Paulinus of Nola, and it was probably from Clarus himself that Sulpicius heard the story that follows (Van Dam 1993: 14–15; Fontaine 1967–9: 989). In one of his letters Sulpicius describes a vision in which he saw Clarus, who died shortly before Martin, following his master to heaven (Fontaine 1967–9: 324–7 (Epistulae II.2–6)).} oedd wr bydol gynt, a gwedy hynny ef a wnaethbwyd yn effeiriad ac a edewis bob peth bydol ac a ddoeth att Varthin. A heb ohir, ef a dywynnodd i orvchelder ffyddlonnder rhinweddol, hyd pann wnaeth ef drigiant iddo yn agos at Varthin. A llawer o vynaich a ddoethant atto i drigo, ac ymysc y rhain y doeth mynach ievangk a elwid Antilius.^{120 Antilius LlGC 3026C antilius, but his name is Anatolius in Vita S. Martini (SSVM §23(2); neither Halm (1866: 132) nor Fontaine (1967–9: 302) note any variant reading that resembles the spelling in the Welsh Life).} A hwnnw di-valch ac vvydd a hynaws ar vryd pawb oedd. A gwedy i vod ennyd yn trigo gyd ac wynt, ef a ddyvod vod engylion yn arver o ymddivan ac ef. Ac nid oedd neb yn i gredv. Ac yna ef a ddyvod vod kennadav yn kerdded rhyngtho ef a Duw, ac ef a vynnai i gymryd yn vn o’r proffwydi. Eisioes ni ellid peri i Glarivs gredv dim iddo. Yntav a bregethodd i Glarivs o sori Duw wrtho, a chael ohono ddrwc ar i gorff am na chredai i sant, ac ef a ddyvod wrtho, ‘Wely, y nos honn yr envyn Duw i mi wisc wenn o’r nef, ac a honn amdanaf mi a vyddaf yn ywch^{121 ywch A form of the prefixed second person plural possessive pronoun; compare the forms ych, awch noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. eich (the form ych is used in §48 and §55, below). In the sentence that follows, however, ywch is a form of the conjugated preposition i (‘to you’, Modern Welsh ‘ichwi’; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. i⁠2), and contrast also the use of ywch (y’wch in the edited text) to represent the preposition i + the infixed pronoun ’(w)ch in §48 and §55.} plith. A hynny a vydd arwydd ywch mae rhinweddav^{122 rhinweddav Though given simply as ‘powers’ in the translation, compare the meaning ‘(pl[ural]) (heavenly) powers, esp. virtues (seventh order in the hierarchy of angels)’ in GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhinwedd (f). It is likely that a similar meaning was intended for the (singular) Latin word uirtutem in Sulpicius’s text (SSVM §23(5); and see Stancliffe 1983: 154, 235). For other instances of translating a singular Latin word with a Welsh plural in the Welsh Life, see n. 73.} Duw wyf.’ A hir vv gan bawb am weled hynn. Ac ynghylch hanner nos, wynt a glowynt drwst mawr yn y vynachloc, ac yn ystavell y gwr ievangk hwnn y gwelid golevni mawr a thrwst a mvrmyr val rhai yn son. A phann ddarvv hynny, ef a ddoeth allan o’r ystavell ac a elwis atto vn o’r mynaich a dangos y wisc iddo. Synnv a wnaeth ar y mynach a galw y llaill atto, a chyd ac wynt y doeth Klarius. A galw am olevad a wnaethant ac edrych yn graff ar y wisc. Meddal oedd, a chynn wenned a’r eiry, eithr o ba rywogaeth llin nev wlan oedd, nis gwyddynt. Ac yna yr erchis Klarivs i bawb weddio ar ddanngos o Dduw vddvnt yn eglur beth oedd hi. Ac velly i trevliasant y darn arall o’r nos dan ganv seilym ac emynnav. A phann ddoeth lliw y dydd, Klarius a ymavaelodd yn llaw y mynach a’i lusgo tvac at Varthin, kanis ef a wyddiad na ellid drwy grefft kythrel dwyllo Marthin. Ac yna llevain a oruc y mynach a dywedud or[c]hymyn^{51 or[c]hymyn LlGC 3026C orthymyn. Probably a copying error; cf. gorchwyneb for gorthwyneb in §21 (see n. 20 (textual)) and for instances of the usual spelling of the word in this text, see n. 1 (textual). Cf. also BL Add 14967, 135v, col. 1 (l. 30) orchymyn.} iddo nad ymddangosai i Varthin. Yr hynny, ni pheidiasant a’i lusgo hettis o’r ffordd^{123 hettis o’r ffordd Literally, ‘a little of the way’; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. hetys.} at Varthin, oni ddiflannodd y wisc val na weled vyth. A hynny oedd o wyrthiav a santeiddrwydd Marthin Sant.

§39

Ac val yr oedd Varthin ddiwyrnod yn i ystavell yn gweddio Duw, y Kythrel a ddoeth atto y mewn gwisc vrenhinawl, a choron aur a main gwerthvawr am i benn ac ysgidiav evraid am i draed. A synnv a oruc Marthin. Ac yr i weled ar y golwc kyntaf, ni ddyvod yr vn wrth i gilydd ennyd vawr, eithr o’r diwedd y dyvod y Kythrel, ‘Ednebydd di vi, Marthin, kanis Krist wyf yn dyvod y’r ddaiar, ac yn mynnv ymddanngos i ti yn gyntaf.’ Tewi a wnaeth Marthin heb ateb iddo. Yna y dyvod y Kythrel, ‘Paham na chredy di ym, a thi yn gweled mae Krist wyf vi?’ Ac yna dyvod Marthin, ‘Nid mewn trwsiad euraid a choron ddisglair y dyvod Krist y devai y’r ddaiar. Ac ni chredaf vi oni welaf Grist yn yr vn trwsiad ac y bu yn dioddef ar y groc, ac ol y gweliav a gavas yn i draed a’i ddwylaw.’ Ac ar hynny i divlannod y Kythrel ymddaith megys mwc, a’r ystavell yn llawn drewiant a edewis yn i ol val nad amhevid mae kythrel oedd ac nad y gorvchaf Dduw. A hynn a wnn i vod yn wir herwydd i dyvod Marthin a’i enav e hvn.

§40

Ac am hynny nac amheved neb, kanis pann glowais i, a phann glybu eraill i ffydd ef a’i vywyd a’i wyrthiav,^{124 gwyrthiav In the context of this passage in the Welsh Life gwyrthiav could be understood as either ‘miracles’ or ‘powers’ (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. gwyrth ‘marvellous property, potency, virtue’). It is translated ‘miraculous powers’ in an attempt to convey something of both possible meanings; compare the (singular) word virtute in the Vita, interpreted as ‘power’ in Burton’s translation (SSVM §25(1)). Compare also n. 55 above, on instances where it seems gw(y)rthiau is regarded as a singular noun in terms of syntax.} ni a ddoethom i ymweled ac ef. A’m ewyllis i oedd ysgrivennv i vvchedd a’i vywyd yn y modd y klywn i bod yn wir o’i benn ef e hvn, ac eraill oedd yn bresennol yn i gweled ac yn gwybod i rinweddav ef. Ac ni chredai neb mor vvydd ac mor ddaionvs y derbynniodd ac i kroesawodd ni, drwy lywenydd mawr, a diolch i Dduw i vod ef yn gymaint ac mor gymeradwy gan Dduw ac i devai ddynion i bererindotta atto ef. A’n gwahodd a wnaeth y’w santaidd wledd, a rhoddi a’i law ynn ddwfr i ymolchi. A’r nos honno ef a olches yn traed.^{125 A’r nos honno ef a olches yn traed. Compare the account of Jesus washing the feet of his disciples in John 13.5.} Mwyaf ymddiddan a wnai wrthym: kynghori i bawb ymado a’r pechod, a beichiav y byd, a chalyn yn rhydd yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist, a chymryd siampl wrth y gwr vrddasol, Pawlinvs,^{126 Pawlinvs The Latin Life notes (SSVM §25(4)) that this is the same Paulinus who has been mentioned previously, namely Paulinus of Nola (see §32 and n. 103).} yr hwnn a ymwrthodes a’r byd ac a’i holl olud wrth orchymyn yr evengil, yr mwyn Duw. Ffynadwy a pharod oedd i atteb i orchestion yr evengyl a’r ysgrvthur lan. A chan vy mod i yn gwybod bod rhai yn anghredadvn yn y rhann honno, a hevaid y rhai y dywedais vy hvn wrthvnt, am hynny yr wyf vi yn galw Iessu yn d[y]st,^{52 d[y]st LlGC 3026C drist; BL Add 14967, 136r, col. 1 (l. 28) drist. The reading is emended for the sake of the meaning, following BSM 25n1; cf. SSVM §25(7) Iesum testor.} kan [n]a chlywais^{53 kan [n]a chlywais LlGC 3026C kanachlywais; BL Add 14967, 136r, col. 1 (l. 28) kanachlowais. Neglecting to write n twice reflects the pronunciation of the spoken language; cf. §22 kan [n]a allai (LlGC 3026C kana allai) and the other instances noted in n. 21 (textual).} o enav neb gymaint o wybodav a synnwyr, nac mor ddaionvs ac mor bur a rhinweddev Marthin.^{127 nac mor ddaionvs ac mor bur a rhinweddev Marthin The awkwardness of this reading probably results from mistranslation. Compare the corresponding reading and its wider context in the Vita: SSVM §25(7–8) ex nullius umquam ore tantum scientiae, tantum ingenii, tantum tam boni et tam puri sermonis audisse. quamquam in Martini virtutibus quantula est ista laudatio! ‘I have never heard from anyone’s mouth so much knowledge, such evidence of good abilities, such goodness, such purity of language. Although, compared with Martin’s miraculous powers, what slight praise is that!’ It appears Siôn Trefor understood quantula est ista laudatio as the beginning of a new sentence (Eisioes, pa vaint bynnac yw hynn o ganmol… ‘Still, however much praise this may be…’) and perhaps also mistranslated quamquam (‘although’) as if it were quam (‘as’, Welsh a (‘â’), hence … a rhinweddev Marthin ‘as Martin’s virtues’).} Eisioes, pa vaint bynnac yw hynn o ganmol, nid kymaint ac y dyleai Varthin. Eithr bod yn rhyvedd kael o wr nid oedd dra ysgolhaic y gwybodav hynn, ond nad oedd eisiav gras Duw arno bob amser.

§41

Bellach mae y llyfr hwnn yn nesav tva’i ddiwedd, nid oblegyd nad oes digon o ddaioni y’w ddywedud am Varthin, eithr ped ysgrivenid i wyrthiav ef oll, gormod llyfr vyddai. A’i weithredoedd da a’i veddyliav tva nef, ni ddoe neb i benn ac wynt, nid amgen i wastad drigiant mewn buchedd dda, i ardymherus^{128 ardymherus It is translated ‘very self-restrained’ on the basis of GPC Ar Lein s.v. ar- (prefix with affirmative or intensive force) and s.v. tymherus (b) ‘moderate, self-restrained’, this seeming preferable to the meanings given ibid. s.v. ardymherus (a) ‘temperate (of climate, &c.), mild’ or (b) ‘moderate, temperate; ?well-balanced (of person)’.} ymoglud rhac pechodav, a’i allu i vnprydio ac i weddio Duw nos a dydd. Nid oedd iddo vn amser gwac wrth weddio Duw, val y gallai na bod yn segur na gwnevthur negessav bydol, nac ennyd i gymryd bwyd nac i gysgv, ond val y kymhellai i nattur arno. Ac yn wir, ef a ddywedir pe gallai yr ysgolhaic a’r ystoriawr mawr a elwid Hemerus⁠^{129 Hemerus A reference to Homer (SSVM §26(3) Homerus), the Greek poet to whom the Iliad and the Odyssey are attributed (OCD 695–700). The introductory words ‘the great storyteller and scholar’ were probably added by Siôn Trefor for the benefit of his audience.} ddyvod o vffern,^{130 dyvod o vffern Though the word vffern normally means ‘hell’, this instance should probably be understood as referring to the dwelling place of pagan souls in general rather than suggesting any adverse judgement of Homer specifically. Vita S. Martini refers to his coming ab inferis (SSVM §26(3), and see LD s.v. infĕrus, um … infĕri, ōrum ‘the inhabitants of the infernal regions, the dead’).} ni vedrai draethv pob peth, kanis mwy yw i vuchedd ef noc y gellir i dyall mewn geiriav. Nid ai awr dros i benn ef ni bai yn darllain nev yn gweddio, a pha weithred bynnac a wnelai, ni thynnai i veddwl o weddio Duw. Ac val y mae arver gof yn i waith, yr esmwytho i lavur, kuro yr einion, velly y gwnai Varthin. Pann dybygid i vod yn gwnevthur peth arall, gweddio y byddai ef. O Dduw, mor vendigedic oedd y gwr hwnn! Nid oedd dwyll na malais yntho ef, ni varnodd ar neb, ni wnaeth ddrwc am ddrwc i neb. A’r lle’r oedd ef yn esgob, ac ysgolheigion go isel yn gwnevthur kam ac ef, yr hynny yr oedd ef mor ddioddevus ac na chosbai neb na gyrv neb o’i le nac i wrth i gariad, hyd pann oedd berthynol iddo vyned.

§42

Ni weles neb ef yn llidioc nac yn drist nac yn chwerthin, kanis yr vn gwr vyddai ef bob amser, a semlant nevol gantho vegys allan o natur dynion. Ni byddai yn i enav ond Krist a heddwch, nac yn i galhonn ond trvgaredd. A mynych y gweddiai dros bechod y rhai a vyddai a’i tavodav gwenwynic yn i oganv ac yn i gablv yn i apsenn – ac yn wir, ni adnabvom^{131 ni adnabvom This ni is not the negative particle ni(d) but rather the first person plural pronoun. This was sometimes used as a preverbal particle (GPC Ar Lein (a) s.v. ni⁠1, cf. GMW 172), but it is more likely that the more usual syntax with the particle a was intended (cf., e.g., §40 ni a ddoethom). The a may have been omitted because it was followed by a similar sound.} rai ohonvnt, yr nad oedd ond ychydic, ac, yshywaeth, esgyb oeddynt – o genvigen wrtho am i wyrthiav.^{132 gwyrthiav SSVM §27(3) virtutis ‘power’. On the interpretation of the Welsh word, see n. 124.} Eisioes nid rhaid henwi neb, yr kael ohonom vynych gyvarthiadav ganthvnt, kanis digon yw o darlleir yn i gwydd, wynt a gywylyddiant. Ac os llidio a wnant, addef yw hynny mae amdanvnt hwy i byddir yn son, yr yn bod ni yn meddwl am eraill. Ac o byddai neb yn kasav Marthin, diryvedd oedd gassav eraill.^{133 Ac o byddai neb yn kasav Marthin, diryvedd oedd gassav eraill. That is, if anyone were capable of hating Martin, who was such a good man, it would not be surprising if they also hated others, such as the author (Sulpicius) himself.} Eithr yr wy[f] vi^{54 yr wy[f] vi LlGC 3026C yr wy vi, BL Add 14967, 136v, col. 1 (ll. 20–1) yrwy/vi. The manuscript readings reflect the pronunciation of the spoken language; cf. the instances noted in n. 21 (textual). The text uses a more standard spelling elsewhere, however; either wyf (§§24, 39, 42) or wyf vi (§§8, 10, 20, 39, 40, 44).} yn gobeithio bod yn dda gan bob dyn santaidd y gwaith hwnn. A phawb ar a’i darlleo yn anffyddlon a becha. A mi[nn]av,^{55 mi[nn]av LlGC 3026C Mimav; BL Add 14967, 136v, col. 1 (l. 24) minav. Another error resulting from miscounting minims; cf. the instances noted in n. 42 (textual).} drwy vy nghymell o’m ffydd a chariad ar Grist, a ysgrivennais y gwaith hwnn ac a ysbyssais bob peth val y bu yn wir. Ac yr wyf yn gobeithio bod tal ym yn barod gan Dduw ac i bawb a’i kretto ac a’i darlleo.^{134 a’i kretto ac a’i darlleo This passage corresponds to the end of Vita S. Martini. The order of the two verbs was changed in the edited text in BSM 26.22 (ai darlleo ac ai kretto), perhaps on the basis of the Latin text, though the meaning is a little different there (SSVM §27(7) non quicumque legerit, sed quicumque crediderit ‘not for any who read this work, but for any who believe’), or perhaps because it was felt that the word-order in the manuscript reading was illogical because the Life would necessarily have to be read before it could be either believed or disbelieved. However, it is possible that Siôn Trefor placed kretto before darlleo in order to suggest, in his own way, that believing was more important, perhaps reflecting too an awareness that some people would hear his version of the Life being read aloud rather than reading it for themselves.}

§43

Marthin a wyddiad o’r blaen y dydd y byddai varw, ac a ddyvod wrth i vrodyr vod i gorff yn darvod ac yn gwanhav.^{135 Marthin … gwanhav. From this sentence to the end of §46 the Welsh text is derived from Sulpicius’s third letter concerning Martin (Fontaine 1967–9: 336–45 (§§6–20)).} Ac yna y damwyniodd iddo wnevthur visutoriaeth mewn lle o’i esgobaeth a elwid Kondatensys,^{136 Kondatensys Fontaine 1967–9: 336 (Epistulae III.6) Condacensem, that is, Candes or, today, Candes-Saint-Martin; it is located in central France, where the river Vienne flows into the Loire. According to Gregory of Tours, Candes was one of six villages in which Martin founded churches, apparently after destroying pagan shrines (Krusch and Levison 1885a: 32.1 (Historia Francorum X.31); Fontaine 1967–9: 1288n1; Stancliffe 1983: 332). Martin’s falling ill at Candes is mentioned again in §47 ([t]ref Condantansius, [t]ref Gondensus).} kanis ysgolheigion yr eglwys honn oedd yn ymryson bawb a’i gilydd, ac yntav, yr bod yn hysbys gantho i ddiwedd, oedd yn chwynychu tangnevedd rhyngthvnt. Ac ni vewydiodd vyned yno, gan dybio bod yn dda diwedd i vuchedd ef o gydawai heddwch yn yr eglwysi. Ac val yr oedd yn myned yno, a’i santaidd gwmpain gyd ac ef o’i ddysgyblon, ef a welai mewn avon adar a elwid blorsiaid nev gwtiaid^{137 blorsiaid nev gwtiaid The Latin text has a single word, mergos, here (Fontaine 1967–9: 338 (Epistulae III.7)); see LD s.v. mergus, i ‘A diver, a kind of water-fowl’. As noted in BSM 27n3, a very wide definition of this word is given in John Davies’s Dictionarium Duplex, 1632: he notes that it was a common name for many sea birds and gives the synonyms mulfran, morfran, huccan and gwylan, which themselves, according to GPC Ar Lein, can denote a cormorant, gannet or other diving birds, a gull, or even such diverse creatures as a carrion crow, bittern or crane. If the possible range of meanings of mergus was similarly wide in Siôn Trefor’s day, it is unsurprising that he felt sufficiently uncertain as to offer two alternative Welsh words in his translation. Cwtiad is a borrowing from the English coot according to GPC Ar Lein s.v. cwtiad⁠1, which gives ‘coot’ and ‘plover’ as synonyms. Of these two kinds of birds, only the former swims and dives, and neither are noted for their fondness for eating fish, contrary to the description of the birds in both the Latin and the Welsh texts. However, it is worth considering one of the definitions given for coot in OED Online (s.v. coot, n.1 ): ‘1. A name originally given vaguely or generically to various swimming and diving birds. In many cases it seems to have been applied to the Guillemot (Uria troile), the Zee-koet or Sea-coot of the Dutch.’
As regards blorsiaid, this instance in the Life of St Martin is the only one cited in GPC Ar Lein and the meaning given is ‘?cormorants’, following the tentative suggestion in BSM 27n3 which notes that these birds are strongly associated with gluttony (cf. OED Online s.v. cormorant). They also swim and dive and, unlike the guillemot, may be seen inland on rivers and lakes as well as at the coast.
It is impossible to be certain as to the meaning of blorsiaid, but if it did refer to cormorants, the second word, cwtiaid, may have been added either as a synonym or with a more generic meaning (perhaps ‘water birds’, ‘diving birds’ or ‘sea birds’).} yn ymlid pysgod ac yn gwnevthur dvnvstr vawr arnvnt. Ac yna dyvod Marthin wrth i ddysgyblon,^{56 ddysgyblon LlGC 3026C ddysgys: at the end of the line and gyblon at the beginning of the next; BL Add 14967, 136v, col. 2 (ll. 12–13) dd/Isgyblion. For similar errors, see n. 9 (textual).} ‘Ar y modd hwnn y bydd y kythrevliaid yn daly ac yn llyngkv eneidiav rhai diwybod angall, ac ni ellir i llenwi yr a lyngkon.’ A thrwy eiriav da rhinweddol ef a orchmynnodd i’r adar ado yr avon a myned y’r diffeithwch sych. Ac velly i gorchmynnai ef yr adar val i gorchmynnai gythrevliaid ar ffo, a phoes yr adar yn vn kadw wrth i orchymyn. Y bu ryvedd^{57 Y bu ryvedd LlGC 3026C y bu ryvedd; BL Add 14967, 136v, col. 2 (l. 23) y bu Ryvedd. The reading is amended to a bu ryvedd in BSM 27.13. However, though no other instances of a sentence beginning with the preverbal particle y occur in the text, the manuscript reading has been retained in this edition. Compare the examples from other texts given in GMW 171; GPC Ar Lein s.v. y⁠2 1(b); Willis 1998: 122–3.} gan bawb adnabod o’r adar gwylldion rinweddav Marthin.

§44

A gwedy trigo o Varthin ennyd yn y dref a ddywetpwyd vchod a gwnevthur heddwch a thangnevedd rhwng yr ysgolheigion, ef a veddyliodd vyned y’w vynachloc. Ac ar hynny ef a glyvychodd yn ddisyvyd. A phann weles ef hynny, galw i ddysgyblon a wnaeth atto a mynegi vddvnt vod i ddiwedd ef yn agos. Yna y klowid girad gwynvan a llevain gan ddywedud, ‘Yn Tad, paham y gedewy di ni yn amddivaid, ac i bwy i gorchmynny di nyni? Bleiddiav dywal a gyrchant am benn dy ddevaid ti, a phwy a’i gwahardd rhac i brathu, gwedy kolli yr hevsor? A ni a wyddom dy vod ti yn damvno myned at Grist kanis kadwedic vydd i ti dy dal a’th ddiolch, ac yr i hoedio ni byddant llai. Trvgarha yn gynt wrthym ni, y rhai yr wyt yn i gado.’ Ac yna y kyffroes Marthin o drvgaredd wrth i hwylovain, ac o drveni a gwarder ef a wylodd. A than droi i wyneb att yr Arglwydd, ef a atebodd yr wylovusion bobl ar y modd hwnn: ‘Vy Arglwydd, os rhaid y’th bobl di wrthyf vi, ni wrthodaf vy llavur. Bid dy ewyllis di, Arglwydd.’ Ac velly yr oedd ef gwedy ossod^{138 gwedy ossod The lenition after gwedy suggests that it is a contraction of gwedy and the third person singular masculine pronoun i; cf. the instances noted in n. 67.} rhwng gobaith a chariad hyd na wyddiad haiach beth oedd orav, kanis ni vynai ymado a’r rhai hynn na bod a vai hwy i wrth Grist. Ac velly ni osodes ef ac nid edewis dim yn i ewyllys e hvn namyn gorchymyn y kwbl ymeddiant ac ymarn yr Arglwydd Iessu Grist. ‘Kyd boed digon i mi hynn o ymryson a’r byd, ac etto o gorchmynny di ym sevyll yn yr vn goval a’r vn llavur dros y tav di ni wrthodaf, yr vy henaint, gyflowni yn ddwyvol dy orchymyn di a rhyvelu dan dy arwyddion^{139 rhyvelu dan dy arwyddion There is an echo here of Martin’s earlier military career; compare especially his words to Julian Caesar, §8 ‘Mi a ryvelais gyd a thi; goddef ym bellach ryvelu gyd a Duw …’ ‘ “I waged war with you [i.e. in your company]; permit me now to wage war with God …” ’} tra gorchmynych. Ac yr bod yn ddamvnedic gan hen gael diolch ac esmwythdra yn ol i lavur, eisioes yr oedd yr ewyllis yn gorvod ar y blynyddoedd a heb vedrv kynhwyso henaint. Ac os tydi yr awr honn a eiriach yr oedran, vy Arglwydd, bid wrth dy ewyllys di a chadw y rhai yr wyf vi yn govalu drostvn.’

§45

O Duw dec, mor rhagorol oedd y gwr hwnn! Ni allai lavur na marvolaeth orvod arno, ac ni throe yn barotach at vn rhann mwy no’i gilydd. Ni ofnai varw ac ni wrthodai vyw. Ac yr trymed i glevyd, nid oedd ef yn peidio a gweddio Duw ddydd a nos yn effro, ac yn kymell i aelodav blinion i wasanaethv yr Ysbryd Glan. A gado a wnaeth wely vrddasol a gorwedd mewn gwisc rawn yn y llvdw. A phann ervyniodd i ddysgyblon iddo adv esmwytho i wely, mewn lle vrddasol, ‘Vy meibion,’ heb ef, ‘ni wedda i Gristion varw ond yn y llvdw,^{140 ni wedda i Gristion varw ond yn y llvdw It seems the medieval monks of Marmoutier, when they were about to die, would be placed to lie on ashes from Ash Wednesday which were spread over a special image on the floor of the infirmary chapel (Farmer 1991: 142).} ac yr wyf vinnav yn pechu o gadaf amgen.’^{141 yr wyf vinnav yn pechu o gadaf amgen Compare Fontaine 1967–9: 340, 342 (Epistulae III.15) « …ego si aliud uobis exemplum relinquo, peccaui.» (Roberts 1894: 23 ‘ “… I have sinned if I leave you a different example.” ’). It is possible that siampl ‘example’ or some similar corresponding word was omitted in error.} I ddwylaw a’i olwc a estynnodd tva nef oni ryddhae i ysbryd wrth i weddi, a phann ddoeth effeiriad i ervyn iddo adel i droi ar y naill ystlys, yntav a erchis vddvnt adel iddo ef edrych ar y nef yn gynt noc ar y ddaiar a gollwng i ysbryd i vyned ar hynt at i arglwydd. Ac ar hynny ef a welai y Kythrel yn sevyll yn agos atto. ‘Beth,’ heb y Marthin, ‘y sevy di yna, anivail krevlon? Ni chai di, beth brwnt, ddim bai ynof vi, kanis mynwes Abram⁠^{142 mynwes Abram Fontaine 1967–9: 342 (Epistulae III.16) Abrahae … sinus. On the patriarch Abram or Abraham, and ‘Abraham’s bosom’ as a term for heaven or the place of repose for righteous souls, see ODCC 6; LD s.v. sĭnus, ūs II. 2.e.; DMLBS s.v. (2) sinus 4. d; OED Online s.v. Abraham … Abraham’s bosom. This phrase derives from the story of the beggar Lazarus in Luke 16.22, of which there is an early Welsh translation (1551) in William Salesbury’s text, Kynniver Llith a Ban (Fisher 1931: liib Ac e ddamwyniodd i Lazar varw a chael e ddwyn can aggelon i vonwes Abraham ‘And it happened that Lazar died and was brought by angels to Abraham’s bosom’; this is the earliest instance quoted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. mynwes … mynwes, &c., Abraham).} a’m derbyn i.’ A chyd a’r gair hwnnw yr aeth i ysbryd y’r nef. A rhai a oeddynt yn bresennol yno a dystiolaethassant wrthym ni weled ohonvnt lywenydd y gwr bendigedic hwnn, a bod i wyneb yn tywynnv yn eglurach no’r golevni heb ysmot amliw ar i gnawd mwy no dyn bychan seithmylwydd. Yr i vod yn gwisgo rhawn ac yn gorwedd mewn llvdw yr oedd i gnawd ef yn burach no’r gwydr ac yn wynnach no’r lluwch.^{143 gweled ohonvnt lywenydd y gwr bendigedic hwnn … yn wynnach no’r lluwch The reading of the Welsh text here is significantly different from that of Sulpicius’s Latin letter as it appears in the edited texts of Halm (1866: 149–50) and Fontaine (1967–9: 342) (Epistulae III.17; cf. Roberts 1894: 23), but is similar to variant readings noted by Halm (1866: 149–50).}

§46

Ni chredai neb vaint o bobl o’r dinesydd a’r gwledydd o bob tv a ddoethant y’r gwasanaeth, ac wrth gladdv y korff, O Dduw, vaint y gwynvan oedd yno!^{144 wrth gladdv y korff, O Dduw, vaint y gwynvan oedd yno! According to Gregory of Tours, Martin’s funeral took place on 11 November 397 (Stancliffe 1983: 116–17).} Ac yn enwedic wylovain mynaich a ddoethesynt yno, vwy no dwy vil, y rhai drwy i siampl ef a ffrwythlonasant yngwasanaeth Duw; a hevaid llawer o weryddon krevyddol a oedd yn ymgadw rhac wylo, gan dybio mae gweddusach oedd wnevthur llywenydd dros y gwr a dderbyniasai yr Arglwydd yn i arffed. Ac velly y ffydd a vynne waravvn wylo a chariad a vynnai wylo. Eithr gweddus yw wylo gyda[’r] rhai^{58 gyda[’r] rhai LlGC 3026C gyda Rai; BL Add 14967, 137v, col. 2 (ll. 18–19) gyda rra/i. Compare the phrase gyd a’r rhai llawen that follows, and the other instances where it appears the ’r of the definite article has been omitted under the influence of the spoken language (§17 a[’r] rhai hynaf, o[’r] rhai hynny (LlGC 3026C A Rai hynaf, o Rai hyy)). Compare also the similar instances noted in n. 21 (textual).} trist galarvs a llawenhav gyd a’r rhai llawen, kanis teilwng oedd wylo am Varthin a theilwng yw llawenhav amdano, kan oedd gariadus gan Dduw a dynion.

§47

Pann oedd Arkadius⁠^{145 Arkadius Arcadius was the elder son of Theodosius I and was proclaimed Augustus by his father in 383. When Theodosius died, in 395, he was succeeded by Arcadius in the east and by his younger son, Honorius, in the west; Arcadius died in 408 (OCD 135, 1458).} ac Omorius⁠^{146 Omorius The name is amended to Onorius in BSM 30.5 (cf. Krusch and Levison 1885a: 32.1 (I.48) Honori; no variant reading is noted, ibid., that resembles the spelling in the Welsh Life). Honorius was Arcadius’s younger brother (see n. 145), both being sons of Theodosius I. Honorius was made Augustus by his father in 393 and ruled in the west from 395 onwards. However, under the influence of his regent, Stilicho, he allowed his power to pass to others, including Constantine III. Honorius died in 423 (OCD 704, 1401).} yn amerodron yn Rhuvain, ac Artikus⁠^{147 Artikus The name is amended to Attikus in BSM 30.6 (cf. Krusch and Levison 1885a: 32.5 (I.48) Attico; no variant reading is noted, ibid., that resembles the spelling in the Welsh Life). Nonius Atticus Maximus and Flavius Caesarius (see n. 148) were consuls in 397, the year of Martin’s death (Van Dam 1993: 206n22).} a Sisar⁠^{148 Sisar The name is amended to Sisar[ius] in BSM 30.6 (cf. Krusch and Levison 1885a: 32.5 (I.48) Caesarioque ‘and Caesarius’). It refers to Flavius Caesarius who, like Nonius Atticus Maximus (see n. 147), was a consul in 397, the year of Martin’s death (Van Dam 1993: 206n22).} yn gonsuliaid, santaidd esgob Turwyn,^{149 esgob Turwyn See §16 and n. 59.} yr hwnn oedd lawn o rinweddav santaidd ac yn rhoi i gleivion ddaioni a gwaredav i lawer, a aeth att hanner nos duw Sul ynhref Condantansius⁠^{150 tref Condantansius See n. 136.} yr vnved vlwyddyn a phedwar vgain o’i oed, a’r chweched ar hvgain wedy i wnevthur yn esgob.^{151 yr vnved vlwyddyn a phedwar vgain o’i oed, a’r chweched ar hvgain wedy i wnevthur yn esgob Martin was made bishop c.371 and died in 397; his main feast-day commemorates the date of his funeral on 11 November of that year.} A llawer a glybu yr amser hwnnw engylion nef yn kanv pann glyvychodd Marthin ynhref Gondensus.

§48

Gwyr Putayn⁠^{152 Putayn I.e. Poitiers; see n. 36 (on esgob Putanesis) and compare the references below to Pataniaid and Pictaniaid (see n. 153).} a gwyr Turwyn a ddoethant wrth i varvolaeth. A phan vv varw, mawr vv yr ymryson rhwng y bobl hynn am i gorff ef. Y Pataniaid^{153 Pataniaid I.e., the men of Poitiers; see n. 36 and cf. gwyr Putayn at the beginning of this section. The word is emended to Puteniaid in BSM 30.15–16, perhaps on the basis of comparison with Putayn. Another possibility is that Pataniaid is an error for Pictaniaid, this word being used to describe these same people three times in the section that follows; compare also the text of Historia Francorum, which has Pectavi or Pictavi as the corresponding word in different manuscript versions (Krusch and Levison 1885a: 32–3 (I.48), and see the apparatus, ibid.). None of these three possible forms with the meaning ‘men of Poitiers’ (i.e., Pataniaid, *Puteniaid, Pictaniaid) is included in GPC Ar Lein, and though puteniaid is given as a plural form of putain ‘prostitute’ (supported by an instance in William Salesbury’s translation of the New Testament, 1567), this clearly cannot have been the meaning intended by Siôn Trefor.} a ddywedasant, ‘Mynach i ni vv Varthin ac abad, ac yr ydym yn disyvv kael i gorff kanis digon i chwi gael ymddiddan ac ef tra vv yn y byd a chael i ddiwedd a’i vywyd y’wch kadarnhav o’i vendith, a thros benn hynny ych llawenhav o’i rinweddav.^{154 rhinweddav For the meaning ‘miracles’ (as opposed to ‘virtues’), cf. the next but one sentence (y rhinweddav a wnaeth ef gyd a ni) and see GPC Ar Lein s.v. rhinwedd (e).} Gedwch i ninnav bellach gael y korff dienaid.’ Ac yn erbyn hynny y dywedasant hwyntav, gwyr Turwyn, ‘Od ydywch yn dywedud mae digon i ni y rhinweddav a wnaeth ef gyd a ni, gwybyddwch mae mwy vv i weithredoedd gyd a chwychwi no chyd a nyni, kanis ef a gyvodes dav o’i varw i vyw gyd a chwi, ac vn gyd a ninnav. Ac val i dyvod i hvn yn vynych, mwy vv i wyrthiav ef kynn i vyned yn esgob no gwedy. Ac am hynny, rhaid yw kyflenwi yn varw yr hynn nis kyflenwis yn vyw. I wrthywchwi y dukpwyd ef, a Duw a’i rhoes ynni.^{155 ynni This is the first person plural form of the preposition i, not the noun ynni ‘energy, power’; cf. nobis ‘to us’ in Krusch and Levison 1885a: 33.1 (I.48)). The manuscript reading is yn ni.} Ac yn wir, os hen ddevod a gynhelir drwy orchymyn Duw, ef a gaiff i vedd yn y dinas lle yr ordeiniodd ef yn esgob.^{156 lle yr ordeiniodd ef yn esgob The verb is emended to the impersonal form ordeiniwyd in BSM 30.31, making reference to the corresponding Latin reading ordenatus est (Krusch and Levison 1885a: 33 (I.48)). However, bearing in mind the active role assigned to God in the preceding part of this speech, it is possible that he was intended as the subject of ordeiniodd, with the pronoun ef, representing Martin, being its object.} Ac os perchenogi^{157 perchenogi In GPC Ar Lein s.v. perchnogi this passage from the Life of Martin is quoted as the earliest instance of the word, under the meaning ‘to own, possess’, &c., which is also supported by a number of other instances, dating from around the mid-sixteenth century onwards. However, a second meaning, ‘to acknowledge, own, claim’, is also noted and this appears more appropriate in the context of this episode in the Life even though only two instances are cited, each dating from the seventeenth century. Compare also Krusch and Levison 1885a: 33.3–4 (I.48) vindecare (see LD s.v. vindĭco ‘to lay legal claim to’, ‘to lay claim to as one’s own’).} y korff yr ydych chwi wrth vraint y vynachloc, gwybyddwch chwi mae ymysc gwyr Melan⁠^{158 Melan See n. 43.} y bu iddo vynachloc gyntaf.’ Ac val hynn y buant yn dadlav ac yn ymryson oni vv nos.

§49

Ac yna y gossoded y korff yn y kanol rhwng y ddwy blaid i aros y dydd. A’r Pictaniaid a roddasant i bryd, pann geffynt liw dydd, vyned a’r korff drwy i kedernyd i ar y llaill. Eithr yr Hollgywaethoc Dduw ni vynnai vod dinas Turwyn heb patrwn. Ef a ddamwyniodd syrthio kysgv ynghylch hanner nos ar y Pictaniaid, hyd nad oedd vn onaddvnt yn effro. A phann weles y blaid arall hwynt velly, ysgyflaid y korff benndigedic drwy ffenestr allan at i kydymddeithion a wnaethant. A hwyntav a’i dvgant y’r llong. Ac ar hyd y dwr^{159 y dwr The Welsh Life does not explain which body of water is meant, but in Historia Francorum there is a description of the saint’s remains being carried along the river Vienne and then along the Loire to the city of Tours (Krusch and Levison 1885a: 33.11–13 (I.48); Thorpe 1974: 98). The Loire is named earlier in the Welsh Life, however, when describing the location of Marmoutier abbey y rhwng kraic vchel ac avon Leyr ‘between a high rock and the river Loire’ (§17).} yr aethant dan ganv, a thrwy lywenydd mawr yr aethant tua dinas Turwyn. A chan y kanv hwnn y deffroes y Pictaniaid. A phann welsant y trysor y buesynt yn i gadw gwedi golli,^{160 gwedi golli The lenition after gwedi suggests that it is a contraction of gwedi and the third person singular masculine pronoun i; cf. the other instances noted in n. 67.} hwynt a aethant adref drwy gywilydd mawr. A hynn oedd ddevddeng mylynedd a phedwar kant gwedy dioddef o’n arglwydd ni, Iessu Grist.^{161 A hynn oedd ddevddeng mylynedd a phedwar kant gwedy dioddef o’n arglwydd ni, Iessu Grist. That is, 412 years after the Passion of Christ. The same number is given in Historia Francorum (Krusch and Levison 1885a: 34.3 (I.48)) but both texts are historically inaccurate, since it is known that Martin died in 397.}

§50

Sevirus,^{162 Sevirus Bishop Severinus of Cologne; cf. Krusch and Levison 1885b: 140.6 (I.4) Beatus … Severinus, and see Van Dam 1993: 207n23. This section and those that follow, except for the colophon (§57), are derived from Gregory of Tours’ Libri de virtutibus sancti Martini episcopi, I.4–6 (Krusch and Levison 1885b: 140–2; Van Dam 1993: 206–9).} sant ac esgob dinas Kwlen,^{163 dinas Kwlen The city of Cologne, Germany (Krusch and Levison 1885b: 140.6 (I.4) Colonensis civitatis). The diocese of Cologne was founded either before or during the reign of the Emperor Constantine the Great (d. 337) (ODCC 380).} gwr glan i vywyd a chanmoledic oedd ar bob peth. Yr vn Sul y bu varw Marthin, val yr oedd ef a’i ysgolheigion gyd ac ef yn amgylchynv lleoedd bendigedic, val yr oedd arver gantho, ef a glywai lef vwch i benn a’r kanvev tekaf a digrivaf o’r byd. A govyn a wnaeth y’w arthiagon^{164 arthiagon There is a second instance of the same spelling below, in the same section. The word clearly refers to an archdeacon (cf. archidiacono and archidiaconus in Krusch and Levison 1885b: 140.9, 21 (I.4)) and indeed both archiagon and arthiagon are given as variant forms in GPC Ar Lein s.v. archddiacon, though it is noted that the latter could be erroneous (only one instance, from ‘Brenhinoedd y Saeson’, is cited). It would be easy for a c to be miscopied as a t, and indeed it appears that there are other instances of confusion between these two letters in the Welsh Life of St Martin, cf. gorchwyneb rather than gorthwyneb in §21, and [g]orthymyn rather than [g]orchymyn in §38. Those two instances were amended in the edited text (see n. 20 (textual), n. 51 (textual)) but arthiagon has been retained since this is the only form used in the Life and since the same spelling is attested in a different source (though it is possible that all three instances are erroneous).} a glywai ef y gyfryw. Ac yntav a ddyvod nas klywai. ‘Gwrando,’ heb y sant, ‘a vo gwell.’ Ac yntav a estynnodd i wddyf ac a sevis ar vlaenav i draed a rhoi i bwys ar i ffonn, ac ni chlywai ddim. Ac yna y syrthiodd yr esgob ac yntav ar ev gliniav, ac adolwc i Dduw ganhiadv o’i drvgaredd iddo glowed hynn. A phann gyvodes i vyny i govynnodd yr esgob iddo beth a glwai.^{165 clwai A contracted form of clywai (third person singular imperfect form of the verb clywed), perhaps showing the influence of the spoken language; compare BDewi (Pen 27ii) §25 a ffa beth bynac a welsoch nev a glwsoch genyf i.} Ac yntav a ddyvod pan yw lleverydd kanvav nevol a glywai, ‘Eithr beth yw hynny, nis gwnn.’ ‘Mi a’i dywedaf ytt,’ heb yr esgob. ‘Marthin Esgob, a’m harglwydd i, aeth o’r byd hwnn, ac engylion dan ganv sydd yn i ddwyn i nef. Ac val y klywid y kanv hwnn, y Kythrel a’i engylion enwir a broves i lestair, ac am na weles dim o’i rann ef yntho, ef a ffoes yn gywylyddus. O Iessu, beth a vydd ini bechaduriaid trvain, pann vai y gelyn enwir yn keisio drygv effeiriad mor santaidd a hwnn?’ Ac ar hynny ir anvones yr arthiagon gennad ar vrys hyd yninas Turwyn i geisio ysbysrwydd am Varthin. A phob peth yn wir a gad^{166 cad An impersonal preterite form of the verb cael (GMW 149).} val i dywedasai Sevirus Sant.

§51

Yn yr amser hwnnw yr oedd Sant Ambros⁠^{167 Sant Ambros Ambrose was elected bishop of Milan in 374 following the death of Auxentius (on whom see §12 and n. 50); unlike his predecessor, he was an opponent of Arianism (SSVM 182). It is noted in Van Dam 1993: 207n24 that the account that follows must be regarded as apocryphal because Ambrose died in April 397, seven months before Martin’s death.} yn esgob yMelan, ac arver oedd gantho pann vai yn dywedud i wasanaeth dduw Sul, na lyvasai neb ddarllain oni amneidie ef arno. A’r vn Sul hwnnw, gwedy darllain y wers broffwydol,^{168 y wers broffwydol Cf. Krusch and Levison 1885b: 141.4–5 (I.5) prophetica lectione, and OED Online s.v. prophetic … prophetic lesson ‘(after post-classical Latin lectio prophetica a reading of the Old Testament prophets (4th cent.), the Old Testament lesson at Mass (9th cent. or earlier)) a reading from one of the books of the Old Testament, esp. when given as the first lesson at the Eucharist or Mass.’} [a’]r hwnn^{59 [a’]r hwnn LlGC 3026C y⁠or, with the o apparently having been written over an original y (cf. BL Add 14967, 138r, col. 2 (l. 31) yr hwnn), but it is read as ar (‘a’r’) for the sake of the meaning (cf. BSM 32.17 ar hwnn). Perhaps the y was changed to o because it was thought that it represented the ‘subject’ of the verbal noun darllain which precedes it (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. o⁠1, 4(a), and cf. gwedy dioddef o’n Arglwydd ni ‘after our Lord suffered’, at the end of §49), but, in reading on, it can be seen that this is not the construction required.} oedd yn goddef darllain gwers Bawl Ebostol⁠^{169 Pawl Ebostol St Paul, one of Christ’s apostles; he brought the gospel to Europe and is known as the ‘Apostle to the Nations’ (see further BPawl).} yn sevyll gar bronn yr allor, ef a ddamwyniodd y’r santaidd esgob Ambros gysgv ar yr allor gysegredic. Ac ni lyvasodd neb i ddeffroi hyd ymhenn dwy awr nev dair. Ac yna deffroi a oruc. Ac yna y dywetpwyd wrtho, ‘Perwch ddarllain y wers. Mae yr awr^{170 awr Perhaps this should be understood in the specific sense ‘appointed time for prayer’ (see GPC Ar Lein s.v. awr⁠1 (c)).} yn darvod a’r bobyl yn blino yn aros.’ ‘Na ddigiwch ddim,’ heb yr Ambros, ‘kanys ef a dalai i mi lawer y kysgv hwnn, gan vod yn wiw gan Dduw ddanngos i mi rhyw^{60 rhyw LlGC 3026C Ryw; cf. BL Add 14967, 138v, col. 1 (l. 7) Ryw. In the edited text R was written as rh for the sake of consistency (see the Note on transcription), but lenition would be expected here; cf. ef a dalai i mi lawer, in the same sentence.} wyrthiav a welais. A gwybyddwch chwi vyned Marthin vy mrawd i att Dduw a’m bod innav yn dywedud gwasanaeth vwch benn i gorff. A mi a wnevthv[m]^{61 A mi a wnevthv[m] LlGC 3026C A mi awnevth:/vn; BL Add 14967, 138v, col. 1 (ll. 11) ami awnevthvm. The reading in LlGC 3026C appears to be another error resulting from miscounting minims; cf. chynnell for chymell in §35, mymych for mynych in §36, and Mimav for minnav in §42.} benn o gwbl ar y gwasanaeth val yr oedd arver, ond y kapitelwm,^{171 kapitelwm A rendering into Welsh spelling of the Latin capitellum (cf. Krusch and Levison 1885b: 141.13 (I.5)), denoting an ‘intercessory prayer’ based upon verses from scripture (Taft 1993: 104–5; Woolfenden 2010: 52). The word is not included in GPC Ar Lein, but cf. ibid. s.v. cabidwl, capidwl 2 ‘chapter (in book), lesson (in church service)’, this word being a borrowing from the Latin capitulum which is closely related to capitellum (see LD s.v. căpĭtellum, i, and căpĭtŭlum, i).} pann ddeffroasoch vi.’ A synnv a wnaeth ar bawb y chwedyl hwnn ac anrhyveddu,^{172 a synnv a wnaeth ar bawb y chwedyl hwnn ac anrhyveddu For the syntax, see n. 72.} dan ev kynnal yn ev kof y dydd a’r amser, ac ymovyn yn bryssur hyd pann gowsant wirionedd am bob peth.

§52

O Dduw, mor vendigedic oedd Varthin Sant, yr hwnn yr oedd aneirif o engylion yn kanv ac yn llawenhav ar i vynediad o’r byd, a holl luoedd nevol gedernyd yn kyvarvod ac ef! Y Kythrel a’i valchder a ddiffeithiwyd, yr Eglwys a gadarnhawyd, effeiriaid a lawenhawyd am y weledigaeth honn am Varthin, yr hwnn a ddyrchavodd Mihangel⁠^{173 Mihangel St Michael the Archangel, regarded as one who assists Christian armies, protects individual Christians and conducts the souls of the dead to God (ODCC 1089).} a’r engylion i vyny, ac a erbynniodd Mair⁠^{174 Mair The Blessed Virgin Mary, mother of Jesus. Her body and soul were received into heaven at the end of her earthly life, according to the doctrine set out by Gregory of Tours in the sixth century and first attested in the fourth century (ODCC 118–19, 1053–4).} a chor o weryddon gyd a hi; a pharadwys yn llawen yn i atal ymysc saint.

§53

Pedair blynedd a thrugain gwedy myned y santeiddiaf Varthin y’r nevoedd, yr oedd wr santaidd rhinweddol a elwid Perpettuwus⁠^{175 Perpettuwus Cf. Krusch and Levison 1885b: 141.25 (I.6) Perpetuus; the form [P]etetuwus in §54 below is probably a copying error. Perpetuus was bishop of Tours between c.461 and c.490 and did much to promote the cult of St Martin (see the Introduction).} yn esgob yNhurwyn, lle buasai Varthin yn esgob o’r blaen. A’r gwr da hwnnw a roes i vryd a’i eddvned ar amylhav yr eglwys vwch benn korff Marthin o vaint a thegwch, ac yn vrddasach noc yr oedd, ac ordeinio lle anrrydeddus i osod i gorff benndigedic. A hynny a orffennodd ef yn dec ac yn berffaith. Ac yna ef amkanodd gysegrv y demyl^{176 y demyl This is the only instance in the Life of St Martin where the word temyl refers to a Christian church rather than a pagan temple (contrast §§20–3, and see GPC Ar Lein s.v. teml). No doubt this reflects the use of the corresponding Latin word, templum, in the source text, though it is worth noting that the same word (templi) is translated as eglwys (‘church’) in the previous sentence (see Krusch and Levison 1885b: 142.2, 5 (I.6)). Perhaps Siôn Trefor felt that it was necessary to translate with eglwys in this first instance in order to make the meaning clear, but chose temyl for the second instance either for the sake of variety or in order to stay as close as possible to the Latin original.} hono a symvdo y korff^{62 korff LlGC 3026C kororff; BL Add 14967, 138v, col. 2 (l. 8) korff.} bendigedic yr lle yr ordeiniesid iddo.

§54

A’r dydd a osoded i hynny, nid amgen no’r dydd kynntaf o vis Gorffennaf, galw atto a oruc Betetuwus Sant⁠^{177 Petetuwus Sant This is probably an error for Perpet(t)uwus; see n. 175.} holl esgyb ac abadav y gwledydd gyd ac aneirif o ysgolheigion ar yr achos hwnn. A gwilio a gweddio Duw a Marthin a wnaeth pawb y nos o’r blaen. A thrannoeth y borev dadkladdu y bedd a wnaethant, hyd pann ddoethant att yr arch lle’r oedd y trysor bendigedic. Ac yna yr holl gynvlleidva a roddasant i dwylaw a’i holl nerthoedd i geisio kyvodi yr arch i vyny o’r ddaiar, ac ni thygiodd vddvnt. A’r nos honno gwilio a wnaethant a gweddio. A thrannoeth provi symvdo yr arch, ac nis gellynt. Synn vv ganthvnt hynny ac ofni a wnaethant yn vawr, hyd na wyddynt beth a ddy[l]ent^{63 ddy[l]ent LlGC 3026C ddyent; BL Add 14967, 138v, col. 2 (l. 28) ddylent.} i w[n]evthur.^{64 w[n]evthur LlGC 3026C wevthur; BL Add 14967, 138v, col. 2 (l. 28) wnevrthur.} Ac ar hynny i dyvod vn o’r ysgolheigion wrthvnt, ‘Pani wyddoch chwi mae trennydd yw kyvenw y dydd y gwnaethbwyd Marthin yn esgob? Ac ef a ddamwyniai mae y dydd hwnnw y mynnai ef gyvodi i esgyrn.’ Ac ar hynny yr holl bobl a vwriasant y dyddie hynny drossodd drwy wilio ac^{65 ac In LlGC 3026C, ac is at the end of a line and is repeated unnecessarily at the beginning of the next (cf. n. 9 (textual)). The same error is not present in BL Add 14967 (138v, col. 2, l. 36).} ymprydio a gweddio Duw ddydd a nos.

§55

A’r pedwerydd dydd,^{178 y pedwerydd dydd That is, 4 July.} hwynt a ddoethant vwch benn y bedd ac a geisiasant dynnv y korff allan, ac ni ellynt sylvv dim arno. Tristav a wnaethant yn vawr, gan ddirvawr ofn yn i kalonnav, hyd na wyddyn pa wnent. Eisioes, ac wynt yn amkanv bwrw y pridd ar y bedd drychefn, nychaf hynafgwr anrrydeddus i vodd a’i sut, a chynn wynned i benn a’r eiry, ac yn dywedud wrthvnt, ‘Pa hyd y teriwch chwi ac yr ofnwch? Oni welwch yr Arglwydd Varthin yn sevyll ac yn barod y’wch helpio, os chwi a rydd ych dwylaw ar yr arch?’ Ar hynny ef a vwriodd i vantell i amdano ac a roes i law ar yr arch gyd a’r effeiriaid eraill, a’r kwyr yn olav a’r kroesav yn barod, dan ganv antem^{179 antem That is, an ‘anthem’ or ‘antiphon’ (Krusch and Levison 1885b: 142.22 (I.6) antiphonam), a kind of liturgical song; see GPC Ar Lein s.v. anthem, antem, and cf. OED Online s.v. anthem, n., and antiphon, n.} ac emynnav vchel.^{180 emynnav vchel Krusch and Levison 1885b: 142.23 (I.6) psallentium in excelso.} Ar eiriol y gwr hen, hwynt a gyvodasant yr arch yn ysgafn i vyny ac a’i dugant y’r lle a ordeiniesid iddi. Ac wedy darvod yr efferennav a myned ohonvnt i vwytta, hwynt a geisiasant y gwr hen ymhob lle, ac nis kowsant, na neb a’i gwelsai yn myned o’r eglwys allan. A thebic vv gann bawb pan yw rhyw wyrthiav engyliawl oedd hwnnw.^{181 A thebic vv gann bawb pan yw rhyw wyrthiav engyliawl oedd hwnnw Krusch and Levison 1885b: 142.27 (I. 6) Credo, aliqua fuisset virtus angelica; Van Dam 1993: 209 ‘I think that this had been [a manifestation of] the power of some angel’. On the meaning of gwyrthiau and for other instances where it is apparently used as if it were a singular noun, see n. 55 above.}

§56

A llawer o wyrthiav a rhinweddav a wnaethbwyd y dydd hwnnw ac wedy, y rhai o ysgevlustra nid ysgrivennwyd. Eisioes yr hynn a welsom ni yn yn amser a ysgrivennwyd, a ni a glowsom ac a welsom yn sikr ev bod yn wir ac yn ddiamav. Amen.

§57

John Trevor⁠^{182 John Trevor He can probably be identified with Siôn Trefor of Pentrecynfrig in the parish of Llanfarthin or St Martin’s, near Chirk; see the Introduction.} a droes y vuchedd honn o’r Llading yn Gymraec a Gvttvn Owain⁠^{183 Gvttvn Owain Gutun Owain or Gruffudd ap Huw ab Owain (fl. c.1451–98) was a gentleman poet and scholar from the parish of Dudlust in the lordship of Oswestry; he also owned land in Ifton, in the parish of Llanfarthin or St Martin’s, and it seems that St Martin’s was his place of burial (Williams 1997; ODNB s.n. Gutun Owain; DWB Online s.n. Gutun Owain; and see also RWM ii, 359–60, quoting from LlGC 872D (Wrecsam 1; 1590–2): Pa le y claddwyd y prydyddion hyn … Guttyn owain yn llan farthin ‘Where were these poets buried … Gutun Owain in Llanfarthin’.} a’i hysgrivennodd pan oed[d]^{66 oed[d] LlGC 3026C oed; BL Add 14967, 139r, col. 2 (l. 30) oedd. Similar errors may be seen in §25 (lle’r oed[d] y klaf) and §31 (yr oed[d] verch).} oed Krist Mil cccc lxxxviii o vlynyddoedd yn amser Harri Seithved,^{184 Harri Seithved Henry VII, king of England. He was born, as Henry Tudor, in Pembroke castle in 1457 and was crowned king after his defeat of Richard III in the battle of Bosworth, 1485 (ODNB s.n. Henry VII).} nid amgen y drydedd vlwyddyn o goronedigaeth yr vn Hari.